The Young Ones Fought the Battle of Bella Wall

The Young Ones Fought the Battle of Bella WallMelody: Joshua Fought the Battle of Jericho
These 11 verses were used at the demonstration 18th of August 2010 to support the accused spokesperson for CJA and the Reclaim power action 16th of December 2009 in Copenhagen. The number in parenthesis are from the full list of verses which follows below. In the end explanation of the different names and their role at the Climate Summit and a background to the song in general.

1.
The young ones fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
The young ones fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

Go mother tell your children,
Go father tell them too:
The young ones fought at COP15
And the old ones did it too!

2.
Stine fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Stine fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

We fight for climate justice.
For Reclaim power too.
For System change – not climate change!
For People’s Assemblies too!

3.
Tannie fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Tannie fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

With batons did they chase us
Police used teargas too
Our eyes were pepper sprayed and lost
But never our soul.

Joshua Kahn at the Bella Center bridge confronting the police in the Reclaim power action

4.
Joshua fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Joshua fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

He fought for all our freedom!
A United Nations strong!
On that narrow bridge at the Bella wall,
Chanting all along.

5. (13)
Protesters fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Protesters fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

One hundred thousand protesters
Two thousand arrested
System change – not climate change
No planet molested!

6. (17)
Media fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Media fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The media they are cuties
On violence they will chat.
Celebrities and beauties,
The story goes like that.

7. (18).
Business fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Business fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

We here to make some business!
We are so good at that!
System change – not climate change,
Don’t say the earth is flat!

8. (19)
World leaders fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
World leaders fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

Small island states are crazy,
Bolivia is as well!
We here must show our leadership:
So we can go to hell!

9. (20).
Police fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Police fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

We seldom chant it openly:
Beneath that uniform,
You sexy, irresistable
Forget about the norm!

10. (21).
Lömmels fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Lömmels fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The claim we all are criminals,
In Danish ”lömmels” all!
This label is so beautiful,
We write on the wall!

11. (25)
Singers fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Singers fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The chanting is our trumpets!
Just hear the fruitful sound:
System change – not climate change,
The whole wide world around!

All the verses:

The Young Ones Fought the Battle at Bella Wall

Melody: Joshua Fought the Battle of Jericho

1.
The young ones fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
The young ones fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

Go mother tell your children,
Go father tell them too:
The young ones fought at COP15
And the old ones did it too!

2.
Stine fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Stine fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

We fight for climate justice.
For Reclaim power too.
For System change – not climate change!
For People’s Assemblies too!

3.
Tannie fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Tannie fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

With batons did they chase us
Police used teargas too
Our eyes were pepper sprayed and lost
But never our soul.

4.
Joshua fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Joshua fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

He fought for all our freedom!
A United Nations strong!
On that narrow bridge at the Bella wall,
Chanting all along.

5.
Goldtoth fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Goldtoth fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

Indigenous rights for everyone
So Mother Earth gets safe.
Forget the scums! We beat the drums,
And none will be a waif!

6.
Henry fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Henry fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

All peasants in this glorious world
Who love their soil so well
They cool the planet to us all
So we don’t go to hell!

7.
Josie fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Josie fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The formal Danes they stopped her
But she stood strong and firm
Non-violent disobedience,
That is what we must learn!

8.
Ian fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Ian fought the battle of Bella wall,
Occupied a factory!

Wind industries and fisheries,
Agriculture, industry.
Direct producers must unite
Economic democracy

9.
Ricardo fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Ricardo fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

They fought well on the inside,
And on the outside too.
Environmentalists and pacifists
Sustainability construe!

10.
Wahu fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Wahu fought the battle of Bella wall,

People’s Movement on Climate Change.

We fight for social justice,
For global justice too.
National and food sovereignty
Is what we will pursue!

Lidy Nacpil speaking at the People’s Assembly

11.
Lidy fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Lidy fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

It’s time to pay the climate debt
That all the rich men owe
And after fair repartiation
We’ll see the peaceful dove!

12.
Evo fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Evo fought the battle of Bella wall,
And Hugo Chavez too.

Our message her at COP15;
The protesters are right:
System change – not climate change
Now we must start the fight!

13.
Protesters fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Protesters fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

One hundred thousand protesters
Two thousand arrested
System change – not climate change
No planet molested!

14.
Danes fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Danes fought the battle of Bella wall,
Gave protesters a space

At Klimaforum everyone
Had time to all embrace:
System change – not climate change,
For all the human race!

Medics in the protests during COP15

15.
Activists fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Activists fought the battle of Bella wall,
Affinity groups they grew.

Green medics were arrested
The legal team took note.
Food not bombs, Reclaim the Fields!
They all get our vote!

16.
Networks fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Networks fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

Climate Justice Action,
and Climate Justice Now!
We celebrate our clowns today
And Indymedia!

17.
Media fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Media fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The media they are cuties
On violence they will chat.
Celebrities and beauties,
The story goes like that.

18.
Business fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Business fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

We here to make some business!
We are so good at that!
System change – not climate change,
Don’t say the earth is flat!

19.
World leaders fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
World leaders fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

Small island states are crazy,
Bolivia is as well!
We here must show our leadership:
So we can go to hell!

20.
Police fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Police fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

We seldom chant it openly:
Beneath that uniform,
You sexy, irresistable
Forget aboút the norm!

21.
Gandhi fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Gandhi fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the Zapatistas too.

We stop the new imperialists
Boycot consumerism
Constructive program and social change,
No political tourism!

22.
Bente fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Bente fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

She said to all let’s trust them
So brave among old men.
There’s no future without young friends,
Branding is a bad omen!

23.
Tadzio fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Tadzio fought the battle of Bella wall,
From his prison cell.

Anticapitalists are here,
They stand behind the call:
System change – not climate change,
Power reclaimed to all!

24.
Lömmels fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Lömmels fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The claim we all are criminals,
In Danish ”lömmels” all!
This label is so beautiful,
We write on the wall!

25.
Singers fought the battle of Bella wall, Bella wall, Bella wall
Singers fought the battle of Bella wall,
And the wall came tumbling down.

The chanting is our trumpets!
Just hear the fruitful sound:
System change – not climate change,
The whole wide world around!

Information about the names:

The Young Ones Fought the Battle at Bella Wall

Melody: Joshua Fought the Battle of Jericho

1.

The young ones, the dominance of the young in the Reclaim power action was
clear.
2.
Stine Stine Gry Jonassen, spokes person of CJA
3.
Tannie Nyböe, spokes person of CJA
4.
Joshua Kahn Russell from Rain Forest Action network and Democracy Now! who
announced the Reclaim Power action inside the Bella center.
5.
Tom Goldtoth from Indigenous Environmental Network and North America.
6.
Henry  Saragi, general secretary of La Via Campesina International from
Indonesia.
7.
Josie Riffaud, a grower of flowers from Bordeaux in France and Via
Campesina representative in the COP15 process not allowed to represent Via
Campesina in the Klimaforum advisory board due to her support of CJA at a
press confeernce in October.
8.
Ian Terry participated in the occupation of the Danish Vestas wind mill
factory in the Isle of Wight 2009 and spoke at Bella center in the December
12 demonstration. If he actually took part in the Reclaim power action I do
not know but the occupations make him qualified to be part of this song as
I see it.
9.
Ricardo Navarro, chair of Frirnds of the Eart El Salvador and former chair
of FOEI, a strong environmentalist and pacifist fighting environmental
degradation and militarism and participant in the walk-out action. Many
other environmentalists both on the inside and the outside partcipated as
well. On the inside FOEI did not so only Ricardo who was accredited on
another badge and two others from FOE could participate while on the
outside there were quite a few FOE activists and environmental
organizations as Robin Wood from Germany, Lega Ambiente from Italy and
others present.
10.
Wahu Kaara from Kenya debt relief network and People’s Movement on Climate
Change participated in the walk-out action and xspoke at the closing
session of Klimaforum as a reprsentative of a movement that consistently
supported all mass activities at COP15.
11.
Lidy Nacpil from Jubilee South and the anti-debt movement firmly on the
side of protesting movements at COP15.
12.
Evo Morales President of Bolivia, Hugo Chavez president of Venezuela, both
used the tribune at the general assembly of COP15 on Decemeber 16 to
address the protests outside using the same slogan: System change – not
climate change
13.
One hundred thousand protesters, in the december 12 demonstration
Two thousand arrested, 1 000 at the December 12 demonstration, the rest at
50 to 100 other oaccasions.
System change – not climate change, a bloc in the december 12 demonstration
as well as the title of the Klimaforum declaration and included in the
call out for the Reclaim power action.
14.
Danes, the mass actvitity most influenced by Danes during COP15 was the
Klimaforum.
15.
Green medics were arrested, Medics were arrested in the Green bloc close at
Örestad.
The legal team was everywhere
Food not bombs, somewhere I think I saw this good movement mentioned among
the organizers of food service but maybe that was a mistake.
Reclaim the Fields, a new movement in Europe that among other things served
food at the infopoint close to Klimaforum.
16.
Climate Justice Action, and Climate Justice Now! the two networks
organizing Reclaim power
clowns made everyone happy during the march including sometimes the police
who they imitated so well, Indymedia did a hell of a lot good job as well
for reclaim power (as well as many other independent media).
17.
Media - TV2 main Danish TV channel presented the 100 000 demonstration by
showing a catwalk clip and letting a celebrity speaker and top model  from the demonstration state
that there are problems in families as at the COP15 but that in the end
there will be a solution. The top model had made some photographs of Climate victims in Peru.
18.
Business, They are many but do not need to say so much as others says the
same thing as they.
19.
World leaders, you know, US, EU, nowadays also China, Brazil, South Africa
and India.
20.
Police - the head of the police is named Per Larsen, the chanting in the
verse is from the march towards the Bella center
21.
Gandhi and the Zapatistas, no presentation necessary.
22.
Bente Hesselund, Danish CJA activist, former Friends of the Earth Denmark
representative in the Klimaforum, Initiator of the Klimaforum decalaration
process to make the forum more political, later after controverseries
inside FoE Denmark and Klimaforum she left her forum positions, cooperation
partner in FoE Denmark with Via Campesina
23.
Tadzio Müller, spokesperson of CJA arrested december 15.
24.
Lömmel, some kind of horrible person doing criminal things.
25.
Singers, well there were a lot of people singing in the Reclaim poiwer
action

Back ground
I believe that the wall of legitimacy surrounding Bella center and COP15
have fallen on the 16th of December 2009. I know there are many ways to
interpret what happened. To claim that it actually was a victory can in
many ears sound odd, or even politically naive. The police with the help of
the Danish government and support from a great majority of the Danish
population could do whatever they wanted moving democracy back one hundred
years arresting almost one thousand for no reason at all as well as
targetting arrests of spokespersons for non-violence at their wish. The
physical resistance was weak. The mental resistance from Danish
organisatiins was more or less non-existant, on the contrary they with one
exception from the rule internalised the definitions of violence made by
the police. To those hoping for a fair and real deal COP15 was also a
defeat and not a victory.

And yet I claim it was. The chances for a more fair and real deal is better
in the future, formal organizations with some important exceptions have
shown their lack of legitimacy whether they work within the parliamentary
system or only according to rules of pragmatism. Activism without strong
politically allies have equally shown its weakness. But the possibility for
stronger alliances in the future have drastically been moved a great step
forward. We are weak, our opponents are in many way even weaker. Their
power is an empty shell displayed for everyone to see, and we can by action
and commitment tell the story and change politics with the Reclaim Power
action as a base.

On my blog I have been trying to make an empirical account of what happened
in the reclaim power action on the 16th of December
-http://www.aktivism.info/socialforumjourney/?p=953. This inspired me to
also make the song below. You get it in two versions. First the shorter one
with 11 verses used 18th of August in a demonstration in support of CJA spokespersons ahead of trials, then the longer one with 25 verses.It was first used at a European Preparatory Assembly in Berlin for the Euopean Social Forum Social Forum in Istanbul.

Of course it becomes
boring for those who were not there. I anyway couldn’t stop myself once I
begun. All the verses built on an attempt at recognizing what happened, the
chants actually used, the political and practical content and those that
made it. Some is of course not understandable outside the context. To me
there were a lot of new words used in the COP15 process that I had not seen
used as much before. Branding was one of them that I found highly
problematic. Formal organizations, that is the Danish ones, were also a big
problem. Formal international organizations were the opposite, some of
them, especially People’s Movement on Climate Change that insisted on
bringing all the mass activities together as much as possible and
contribute to all of them in a supportive manner and La Via Campesina
International with the general secretary Henry Saragi and the responsible
for COP15 action, Josie Riffaud, so much opposed by Danish formal
organizations.

I include after the song short information about the people mentioned.
English is not my mother tongue so I guess there are many ways to make this
song better. Exclude verses, change, and add the way you like:

Climate camp in Sweden

The main tent at the camp with banners against Shell plans to drill in South of Sweden.

Some 150 participants gathered the Climate Camp at Eda 50 km North of Stockholm on August 2 - 8. It was organized by Friends of the Earth Sweden and educational organizations with very broad partcipation from all strands of the climate movement as well as people’s movements representing workers, peasants, the samic people and others. People were participating from Denmark, Finland, Norway, Paraguay, Russia and Sweden. Here were many from the direct action networks as Klimax, an anarchist kitchen, Shut it down and the Nordic climate camp in the South of Sweden were some 60 people gathered in July. Here was also the climate network from the Swedish conservationist society, the transition town movement, field biologists, the anti nuclear movement, anti uranium mining activists, the new organization climate action and a number of local action groups as well as members of Friends of the Earth.

During the camp a solidarity statement was issued to support the antifascists arrested in Moscow due to the Khimki forest conflict, see:Why we need solidarity with Russian environmentalists and antifascists. http://www.aktivism.info/socialforumjourney/?p=1748

It is ten years ago since Friends of the Earth Sweden was able to organize a similar camp at Lindsberg with some 110 partcipants from all Nordic countries uniting the merging global justice movement. Since then summer camps have had not more than 35 participants and some years not been held at all.

The central camp building

As such the gathering was a traditional summer camp Swedish style out in the forest at a lake with good possibilities for swimming, walking and doing whatever you like close to nature except going to the toilet. There was a huge number of outdoor cabins fro this purpose instead. There was also possibilities to camp in tents or indoor in rather primitive houses. One of the provocative ideas coming out of the discussions at the camp was to organize next gathering in a suburb were the working class is living next time.

There was a lot of singing inspired by a workshop on the songs of the environmental movement. Most of the songs are from the 1970s and a renewal is necessary. This was done at the spot with a song against the airport which is planned to start for civilian traffic close to Uppsala. The next day an action took place in Uppsala against the plans with the help of a huge aircraft built in the camp.

A group discussion during the camp

The most heated debate at the camp was about strategy and how to translate the concept system change. Before the debate the young radicals working in the kitchen commented that the old reformists would not turn up. But this did not really become the case. In a typical Swedish manner the will was to be as concrete as possible and thus avoiding conflicts. So the main issue soon seemed to be only a question whether to be legal or not legal. Here it was easy to reach consensus. Even conservationists nowadays, at least those at the camp, can in principle say yes to civil disobedience depending on the situation. Furthermore there was a great majority or even consensus that it could include material damage as well as consensus that it could not include harming people. So the legal issue was no conflicting issue although in practice the Swedish environmental movement once strong in mass civil disobedience today is far less active.

Panel with all parliamentary parties at the camp

The other system critical issue was the question whether to work inside or outside the parliamentary system. This framing of the issue is popular among the left but something I cannot accept. A popular movement is independent and primarily not working as a negation of what tohers do but in its own merit possibly beyond both state and market. The discussion about parliamentary or not parliamentary strategies normally ends in coma by acknowledging both ways. Notably did the representative from the Norwegian climate network state that Norway was an exception as this state was completely democratic in its foundation and thus system critical non-parliamentary strategies was not necessary in this countries. This way of presenting Norwegian history was questioned by some Swedes and also the extreme belief in parliamentarism. This parliamentary approach was combined with a technocratic look at the climate issues which made the Norwegian position at the camp very isolated.

Kitchen crew with T-shirt stating Kein sex mit nazis, No sex with nazis.

The most interesting challenge in the discussion came from the Anarchist kitchen crew that stated that Friends of the Earth Sweden was not system critical as it is not opposing capitalism. As a notion that system critical must go beyond the division between economy and politics in our society and address the foundations of economy this was interesting. The fact that FoE Sweden only states that it is against neoliberalism while being reluctant to state that it is against capitalism could be seen as a proof that ti cannot justify stating that it is a system critical organization.

The answer partly stated in the discussion is that it depends on Whether system critical primarily is defined ideologically or what an organization is doing in practice. Furthermore it is a question whether capitalism is the only major criteria behind the present system or if there can be other factors too behind a development model that is causing both environmental and social crisis. In practice FoE sweden is more radical than most anticapitalist organization by addressing wider class alliances against what cab be described as both capitalist but also state centric development models.

Carmen Blanco Valer, quecha Indian, former metal worker and chair of Latin America Groups in Sweden, now at Färnebo Peoples High School discussing a climate justice network in Sweden and having next years camp in a suburb.

This was shown during the camp were peasants, Samic people and environmentalists came together to start mobilization for food sovereignty and a new model for agriculture and forestry. The main trend at the camp was in the spirit of Climate Justice Now with the help of Simone Lovera from Paraguay and System Change not climate change with the help of Matilde Kaalund from Klimaforum in Denmark. Klimaforum have not turned into a network for sustainable transition which inspired to make some similar initiative in Sweden.

There was also a debate with all the parliamentary parties as well as the Feminist Initiative. The Center party once close ally with the environmental movement was the most criticized in the panel.

The camp ended with energy strategy discussions and organizing coming actions against uranium mining.

White and grey haired antiuranium mine actvists from North of Sweden speaking with activists from Åland, a filmmaker and Gunnar Olesen from INfoRSE.

Google translated program you see below, (from the climate camp website
http://klimatlager.wordpress.com):

Monday, August 2

During the day in Eda:

The campaign Meatfree Monday quiz about food, environmental and human
rights. Before dinner the answers are looked through - the winners get
great prizes!

Bicycle Workshop - learn how tinkering with the bike, Part 1!

9:00 to 11:00 bike parade to the camp from Uppsala Central Station

Reports outside the entrance to the old station building. Do you not have
your own bike? Contact us and we will get one!

11.00-12 Opening including Staffan Lindberg!

Bolivian ambassador in the climate negotiation panel

Niclas Hällström presenting the failed negotiations and the hopeful Cochabamba climate meeting in Bolivia. Niclas have followed the negotiations oin behalf of the Swedish Conservation Society.

13:30 to 14:30 from Copenhagen via Cochabamba on the road to Mexico?

Climate negotiations in Copenhagen in which many world leaders were
unsuccessful. But Bolivia called for a climate for both governments and the
social movements and activists came several constructive proposals for
climate justice forward. How will the formal process to move forward? Will
the false solutions remain?

Participants:
Simone Lovera, Paraguay, Global Forest Coalition and active in the Climate Justice
Now network
Ellie Cijvat, Friends of the Earth Sweden
Niclas Hällström, What Next
Bolivian ambassador

Azril Bacal translating for the Bolivian ambassador. The ambassdor seemed at ease at the camp except when coming out from the outdoor toilet

15-18.00 System Change not Climate Change!

That was the slogan that emerged most clearly in Copenhagen, for example,
at demonstrations and on Klimaforum. But what do the movements mean when
they say system change? Criticism of neoliberalism, energy conversion,
leaving the fossil fuels in the ground? Opening panel discussion on how we
can move forward after Copenhagen and Cochabamba, locally and globally.
After group discussions on various themes and assembly.

Follow-up Klimaforum in Copenhagen
International Action Day October 12
Referendum from Cochabamba in October / November
Greenhouse Development Rights - a model for climate justice?

Local activism against fossil project with Heaven or sHell
The oil company Shell have done test drilling for natural gas in southern
Sweden, with the idea of extracting fossil gas commercially. Local people
rage, and warns of the effects on water, landscape, human health. Come and
learn more about how to organize themselves and how much resistance can be
enough.

Participants:
Azril Bacal, Uppsala Social Forum
Carmen Blanco Valera, Latin American teams
Simone Lovera, Global Forest Coalition and active in the Climate Justice
NOW
Mathilde Kaalund, Klimaforum
Johanne Linster, Network Heaven or sHell
Anna Frost, the Swedish Church’s youth
Per Capercaillie, active in the Network Shut It Down

The panel from the left, Carmen Blanco Valer, Azril Bacal, Ellie Cijvat, Simone Lovera, Anna Frost, Matilde Kaalund, Johanne Linster, and Per Capercaillie.

18:00 Awards Ceremony Meatfree Monday-quiz

19:30 to 20:30 Workshop Meatfree Monday

Our great demand for meat is one of the biggest causes of many of our most
serious environmental problems and the greatest threat to world food
supply. During this workshop we talk about these issues, but focuses mainly
on how to get involved in meat production will decrease.

Participants:
Per-Anders Jande
Jonas Paulsson

19:30 to 20:30 Climate justice how? - Graffiti fence / wall Journal

Workshop to begin to make a graffiti fence for climate camp.
Kajsa Grebäck, Studiefrämjandet

20:30 Short films about climate

Two short films with discussion. Filmmakers from the course at Färnebo
Folkhögskola Branch in Gothenburg.
Participants:
Henry Jackson, the course “Climate change and - with the film as a tool”

Tuesday, August 3

9:00 to 10:30 People’s Movement for Change

How does today’s social movements, they are left at all? Through time,
popular movements are always pushing forward social change. But do they
have a future? What is today’s and tomorrow’s biggest challenges?
Representatives of various movements emerge with different perspectives on
things.

Participants:
Torgny Östling, Via Campesina Sweden
Carmen Blanco Valera, Latin American Groups
Leif Mettävainio, GS - The union for the forestry, wood and graphic
industry
Malin Hammar, Democratic Alternative
Jenny Gustavsson, active in the Nordic Climate Action Camp
Moderator Ellie Cijvat, Friends of the Earth

9:30 to 10:30 Action Planning

Planning for Wednesday’s celebration in Uppsala.
Cast: climax

10:30 to 12:00 What about energy?

The potential for energy efficiency is enormous. Many municipalities have
long had great plans to reduce energy waste, but how do you achieve these?
Would energy conversion could be faster and, if so, why does it not?
Introduction of energy efficiency then examples from Knivsta Municipality
has been identified as a good example.

Participants:
Hans Nilsson, international energy advisor, Four Fact
Christina Nystrom, operations controller and investigators Knivsta
Municipality

Urban and rural farming interested audience

11-13.00 Guerilla gardening

Workshop with network growth from Stockholm, on how we can cultivate our
cities.

13:30 to 14:30 Nature Tours in the climate issue with Closenatureguuides

Gustav Jilker from the Samic nation

14-18.00 Can small farmers cool the planet?

Is it true that a small-scale farming can take advantage of renewable
energy, bring back the business and take advantage of ecosystem services in
a sustainable way? How do we present the global measurement system so that
small farmers benefit rather than be discouraged? A global sustainable
agriculture should be linked to issues of food sovereignty and rural
habitats. Is urban farming an option? How can we, as social movements
operate in a fair and democratic transition to a climate-agriculture?

Group discussions on:

To take advantage of renewable energy, bring back the business and
take advantage of ecosystem services in a sustainable manner.
food sovereignty in the North and South - How do we proceed?
Town Growing and peri-urban farming - what are the benefits? City
Farmer tell of their experiences and projects.
Participants:
Torgny Ostling, Via Campesina Sweden
Åke Karlsson, Small farmers
Lennart Kjörling, MST support group
Gunnar Rundgren, international consultant organic farming etc..
Kristina Belfrage, researchers at CLU, Centre for Sustainable Agriculture
at SLU
Ylva Andersson and Marina Queiroz, Matparken Gottsunda
Growth
Christer Pettersson, Winter Bay Garden
Moderator Ellie Cijvat, Friends of the Earth

Farming panel from the left, Torgny Östling, Gustaf Jillker, Christer Pettersson, Gunnar Rundgren, Marina Queiroz, Kristina Belfrage, Åke Karlsson, and Lennart Kjörling. In front Ellie Cijvat.

20-21.30 Environmental Movement’s songs!

What has been sung and sung in the environmental movement from 60/70-tal to
the present day?
When you sing? How did the songs come to? We tell and sing together.
Louise Pettersson leads. Please bring your songs and tell or tell Louise
(louise.pettersson (at) aktivism.info) in advance. Do you have instruments:
bring it gets funnier!

You find at lots of envrionmental songs gathered by Louise at http://meramusikimittliv.wordpress.com/ Miljörörelsens sånger, ablog with embedded videos and more.

Wednesday, August 4

9:00 to 10:30 Workshop Banner Drop

Theoretically and practically climbing on a building and hanging banners.

9-12 Prosperity without Growth

How do we solve the economy and welfare crises? What options exist for the
current growth-based market economy? Talk about welfare policies for
growth, but experience and ideas on how the question can be written into
the broader political scene.

Participants:
Annika Lillemets, MP Parliamentary Candidate
Kajsa Pornainen, President Social democratic-students
Håkan Sundberg, Common Welfare and Attac

10:30 to 12:00 Guided Nature of growth with Närnaturguiderna

15:00 Markets Meeting in Uppsala

Music, speeches and street theater to the planned low-cost place (planned
for the week).

15:00 to 16:30 Nature Tours for those who stay on Eda

20:00 Fest!

On the scene:
Climatic climax reggae!
Clara Lindsjö!
Lissi Dancefloor Disaster!

Later: Instrumental improvisation with Andrew & co in the alcohol-free bar.

Ideological evening corner

Thursday, August 5

During the day at Eda:

Bicycle Workshop - learn how tinkering with the bike, Part 2!

9-11.00 Vision of the Climate Justice Town

How can a climate fair city look like and how we work to realize it?
Introductions of alternative urban plans, the car as the norm in the city
and the social aspects of the city and public transport. After two or three
groups of deepening and discussion.

Participants:
Per Hulthén, Nature Conservation
Karin Sandqvist, researchers
Mr Zampa, Planka.nu

11:00 to 12:30 A strategy to stop the Bypass high way Stockholm
Introduction of the situation around the road project Bypass Stockholm and
the referendum as a possible strategy and how young people can be more
involved. Then work in groups, each with a strategic plan. Ends with common
dsikussion.

Participants:
Lars Igeland, Friends of the Earth
John Ottosson, Climate Action
Catherine Bergstrom, Field Biologists

10-12.00 Forum Games.

How can we break the internal and external oppression? Forum Games
discussion as a Brazilian and has spread worldwide. In the game getaltas
current problems and solutions. You may use the body, heart and brain.
Kajsa Bilius is director and drama teacher from Vang has also committed to
justice and the surrounding environment.
14-16.00 Conversion Sweden.

Why do we ask for and how can we work locally to do it? Presentation of the
International Transition movement and exchange of experiences between local
conversion groups in Sweden.

Participants:
January Forsmark, Sweden, Sala Conversion
Anders Persson, Sweden and shift Söderhamn
Bjorn Lind Bergson, Conversion Group in Sigtuna

16-18.00 How to work with social media?

Workshop with Planka.nu.

19:30 to 21:00 Just in time for fun

Gunlög Rosen has a humorous and thought-provoking idea of cultural
encounters and cultural clashes, Swedish and conventions, common sense and
our human behavior.

20:30 to 21:30 Non-alcoholic bar and music

Anders Persson and Stefan Stenmark play and sing.

Late evening corner

Friday, August 6

9-10.30 The food and the environment - with a focus on food

450 million of the billion people who are short of food in the world are
farm workers. It is not enough to buy local, organic or fair to change the
balance of power. There is union work across national borders in the global
business. There is less market, more democracy and more focus on the daily
basis to ensure that we have food on the table.

Participants:
Gunnar Brulin and Malin Klingzell-Brulin, Journal of Food Workers’ Union
Case and the Mediterranean, up to date with the book Food for Thought

10:30 to 12:00 Climate, gender and power.

It is the poorest who suffer most from a warmer climate. A majority of them
are girls and women. Environmental movement needs a gender perspective? How
can the fight against climate change combined with the struggle for greater
equality?

Participants:
Lisa Gålmark; writer and debater
Gerd Johnsson-Latham, Deputy Director
Simone Lovera, Global Forest Coalition
Kajsa Lindqvist, Friends of the Earth

Simone Lovera criticizing neoliberalism at the camp

13:30 to 15:00 The world’s forests is more than sinks!

The rain forest is important for the climate and deforestation is a
significant factor in global emissions. But the rain forest become a
commodity on the stock market climate? How does it affect the origin and
forest people? Borealskogen is not as controversial as a carbon sink, but
it contains large amounts of carbon. What is happening to the climate
change track?

Participants:
Simone Lovera, Global Forest Coalition
Amanda Tas, Protect Forests

14-15.00 Nuclear fuel chain

Is nuclear power is carbon neutral? How does nuclear power in Sweden and
other countries’ environmental security? And what happens to the waste is?

Participants:
Miles Goldstick, Environmental Movement’s Nuclear Waste Secretariat (MILK)

3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m. Can we cope with climate without nuclear power?

Interview with Tomas Kåberger director general of the Energy Agency.

19-20.00 Nuclear power a threat to world peace!

Kerstin Grebäck, International President of the International Women’s League
for Peace and Freedom.

20:00 to 21:30 Inside or outside the system - how do we work?

Should we violate society’s laws fossils? Or cooperate with Vattenfall’s
CEO? There are all shades between conflict and dialogue, nothing is black
and white. A conversation about ethics, method and strategy in the fight
for climate justice.

Participants:
Jennie Gustafsson, active in the Nordic Climate Action Camp
Per Capercaillie, active in the Shut It Down
Ellie Cijvat, Friends of the Earth
et al.

20:10 to 20:50 Hiroshima Day - a musical exposé on nuclear power, etc.

With My Leffler and Vimmelii

21:00 Open Stage

Welcome to behave with poetry, songs, theatrical or otherwise.

Jan Wiklund, long time Friends of the Earth/Alternative City Stockholm activist presenting his book Carriers of Democracy on the history of global people’s movements the last 2 500 years at open space.

Saturday, August 7

9-9.45 What does climate justice? - For the world, Sweden and locally

Introduction to morning programs on the conversion points for climate
justice.

Participants:
Tomas Björnsson, Nature Conservation

10-12.00 A great and Democratic Transition to Renewable Energy in Europe -
how does it look?

Presentation Of The Friends of the Earth Europe and the Stockholm
Environment Institute study “The 40% Study - Mobilising Europe to Achieve
Climate Justice”, the INFORSE Scenario for Energy Transition in Europe and
a scenario on energy transition in Sweden. (In English with translation
into Swedish)

Participants:
Silva Herrman, Global 2000 (Austria FOE)
Goran Bryntse, SERO Swedish Federation of Renewable Energy Association
Gunnar Boye Olesen, OVE and INFORSE Europe

10-12.00 Sustainable solutions in Europe

What is being done and how people have been ways to succeed? What are the
success factors? Ispirerande examples of innovative solutions, bicycle,
car-free cities, passive areas, lerhusbyar. If eco-villages, regions and
islands that produce their own energy by including wind, solar and
fjärrvärmekopperativ parks. If the exciting new climate movement and new
economic models.

Participants:
Henrik Andersson, freelance journalist

13:00 to 14:00 Vattenfall on climate and energy

About Vattenfall’s investments in new nuclear, coal, carbon storage and
renewable energy. Hearing with Jesse Fahlestock from Vattenfall.

14-15.30 Politicians Debate - 4 weeks before the election!

16-18.00 Open forum - how do we proceed?

What happened during the camp? How can we move forward with the issues
discussed? How can we collaborate between organizations and groups? How we
take care of the initiatives and ideas that come up?

Open Space is a meeting format that makes it easier for participants to set
their own agenda. Meeting Manager is Kate Grebäck from Rainey.

20:00 Fest!

On the scene:
Markus Berjlund!
Rotor club!
Alcohol free bar!

Niclas Hällström sad after coming from UN climate negotiations in Bonn, glad to be back in the camp again.

Sunday, August 8
9-10.30 Climate Justice - by popular movements or experts?

The climate debate at scientists and other experts, a major role. Climate
models will be explained and percentages calculated. Ordinary people are
struggling to keep up with, while a broad business climate needed for the
conversion to take off. But there is a conflict between experts and public
participation?

Participants:
Kajsa Grebäck, Nature Conservation’s Climate Network
Monica Sundström, Friends of the Earth
Jonathan Korsør, Democratic Alternative, etc.

(This point on  the agenda was cancelled in  favour of energy discussions. The issue had partly been covered by the discussion on strategy for climate justice.)

Russian Eco defence activists chatting with Göran Bryntse, chairman of Peoples Campaign against Nuclear power and Nuclear weapons

9:00 to 10:30 Nordic Exchange on Energy

Presentations from Norway, Denmark, Finland and Sweden on the situation of
the Transition to Renewable Energy - Opportunities, Obstacle & the Role of
Civil Society Organization. Discussion on Possibilities for joint action.
(In English with translation into Swedish)

10.30-12 Uranium mining in Sweden

Is it to break the current uranium in Sweden and other Nordic countries?
Exploration of multiple directions and opposition groups have been created.
Filmmaker Clara Sager Maliani showing clips from his current film project
on uranium resistance in Sweden. Then call and experience exchange with
uranmotståndesgrupper from different parts of Sweden.

Participants:
Elsa Berglund, Friends of the Earth
Clear Sager Maliani, film producer
Diana Fernlund, Oviken Jämtland
Others

Closing cermony

12:30 to 13:00 Closing!

The end

Climate Justice and Class Struggles after Cochabamba

Electricians on hunger strike against privatization at Thematic World Social Forum at Zócalo in Mexico City 2010

Contribution made at Foro Social Mundial Tematico at Zocalo in the historical centre of Mexico City, 3rd of May, 2010 as a panelist on the theme: Change the system, not the climate saving the planet and constructing another way of life for humanity. The text has been constructed afterwards based on the notes made for the speech with alterations and additions, especially of quotes from declarations made in Copenhagen and Cochabamba.

Tord Björk

There are three cardinal points for solving the climate change issue. The first is the balance between rural and urban class struggle. The second hope. The third is the work for constructing alternatives to the dominant development model in the countryside, in the city and in the world by safeguarding existing or creating new ways of living well.

1. The balance of rural and urban class struggles

Climate change is a political question were the issue of social justice is central. Without social justice no long term solution can be found for the transition towards a sustainable society necessary for solving the climate dilemma. Thus both rural and urban class struggles are at the core of a solution to the problem. This social struggle is at times supplemented and even overshadowed by struggles that primarily are based on interests across class divisions as for transition to a carbon free economy, the nation state or the local community. Or struggles that are primarily focusing on ideological identities as reformism, degrowth, anti patriarchy, ecosocialism or revolutionary anti capitalism. Such ideologies are of importance to connect different local struggles. But in the end climate change is a material issue and thus class struggle with its immediate and situational conditions place a central role.

Climate justice is about changing our relationship with nature. Thus at the forefront are the direct producers in agriculture, forestry and fisheries. But also the direct producers in industry have a key role as workers in societies processing of raw material and material goods.

The importance of both rural and urban class struggles in important social issues and political struggles is not historically new. The first successful working class revolution started in Haiti 1791 among plantation slaves against the plantation owners who finally were thrown out of the country in 1804. The democratic and social progress during the 20th century built upon peasant revolutions in different parts of the world which paved the way for later industrial worker’s revolutions and reformist successes.

This has not been properly recognized. The left is primarily building its theory on an understanding were the urban proletariat is in conflict with capital ands rural population are considered as marginal or backward. Thus is the Russian revolution in 1902 that inaugurated the revolutionary era a hundred years ago made invisible in the way that the left wing writes history, in spite of that this peasant revolution was contributing the critical mass the coming decades to change the system in Russia. The Mexican peasant revolution in 1910 and the Indian peasant revolution beginning in 1917 shows the importance of the peasants world wide in struggling for social change against the system.

In Mexico we also see the differences between rural and urban class struggle were also left wing tendencies claiming to be more libertarian have shown its urban bias. In the 1910s the Mexican trade unions were among the strongest in all of Latin America if not the strongest. They worked in an Anarcho-syndicalist tradition in the Casa del Obrero Mundial preferring economic struggle and were critical towards political parties. Yet they quickly chose the side against agrarian revolution which they saw as an expression of backwardness and preferred seeing themselves as the civilized urban industrial vanguard. Furthermore they  were promoted by constitutionalist forces who struggled against both the old conservative institutions which threatened to recreate the dictatorship and the peasant revolution. With a constitutional reform the syndicates would in the future be given a role at the negotiation table of society. Thus the Anarcho-syndicalist trade union used its red battalions in the civil war against the Zapatismo. Once the peasant revolution was defeated with the help of the red battalions the constitutionalist forces that had promoted the trade unions turned against them, disbanded the red battalions and forcibly closed the syndicates. So much for the liberal promises of having a say at the stake holders negotiations tables.

The urban bias has been a problem in much of the struggle for social change the last one hundred years. Although anti colonialism and anti imperialism and the modern welfare state has been successes in many aspects the tendency is that the successes has been favouring the urban population more than the rural. Even when efforts are made to support production in rural areas the tendency has been to promote industrialisation of agriculture thus further moving power of the rural production out of the hands of rural communities to transnational companies and their offices in the cities or in the hands of state bureaucracies.

The main focus of the dominant struggles claimed to be left wing have also been either issues of redistribution of wealth or becoming a representative voice at different levels of governance as the Anarcho-syndicalists in Mexico hoped for in the 1910s. Recently this hope has especially developed around global institutions or renewed hopes for social partnership at the national or regional level, still a main strategy within the trade unions. The development model as such or the necessity of social revolutionary changes both rural and urban have been left out of focus.

That the urban bias still is a problem today is reflected after the globally important changes in government in Latin America. They are in many ways progressive and especially the Bolivian government puts an emphasis on the indigenous struggle and thus also the rural. The tendency is anyway that the dominant development model is continued including giving better conditions for the urban population while the rural population is lagging behind and environmentally and socially damaging extractive exploitation is continuing against the protests of local rural communities. This contradiction was also expressed at the Peoples Conference on Climate Change at Cochabamba in April 2010 when working group 18 (Mesa 18) that dealt with these issues was excluded from the conference

Thus the balance between rural and urban class struggles are important in all parts of the world as a key to understanding how to proceed in the struggle for climate justice. This is a balance that primarily is directed towards the need of the ongoing struggles and not any correct version of an ideology as when the Anarcho-syndicalists went to war against the Zapatistas in the 1910 as they were suspicious about the religious nature of the peasant revolution.

It is also necessary to look more precisely at what political demands can specifically help the rural and urban class struggles built upon climate justice. There is a class struggle going on outside the context of climate justice but it is only by linking the demands to the climate issues the specific new possibilities for alliances can be built to further strengthen the direct producers in their struggle against owners of means of production.

This means that in the case of peasants it is the struggle against agroindustry and its dependence on oil economy and the support of agriculture built on the photosynthesis in the hands of family farmers and small peasants or local communities that is a key to success when using the alliances on climate change issues rather than food sovereignty although the latter partly can be used as a model for building a sustainable agriculture. Likewise it is the struggle against the way that the industrial production is organized by the owners of the means of production making workers powerless and taking their creativity away by directing production towards fossil fuel based models and individual consumerist goods rather than goods of use for collective consumption. A political and economical struggle for other sustainable content of the production than that ordered by the owners of capital and their allies.

Of importance are both rural and urban class struggles mobilizating in conflicts concerning both production and consumption and the way the society is organized. Struggles sometimes to defend positions already gained important for climate justice but under threat. Such as more equal distribution of wealth of importance for changing consumption patterns and challenging the power of the rich, occupying a wind power plant as on Isle of Wight in UK in an attempt to stop the closure, or struggling against mining and other exploitation threatening the life of rural working classes and local communities. Struggles were also solidarity action are of importance.

The balance between rural and urban class struggle is not only a question for peasants and workers but also for others. Also wage earners in service and other occupations may have strong interest in the results of a united struggle against those in power of the means of production. At times such social forces that are not rural or urban direct producers may have a more consistent view on the need for changing society in ecological or feminist perspectives. In the climate justice issue such cross class alliance is soemtimes of crucial importance.

The NGO policy industry working within the limitations of the system can at times find issues of wider importance. But there is a great risk that the issues are framed in a technical lobby language making them socially neutral. How the issues are connected to daily life and the daily class struggle is in this way made obscure. The tendency may instead become fragmentization of politics separating an international level or national policy area from politics of interest and possible to influence by lay persons in their daily struggle.

There is also an academic industry promoting the self appraisal among NGOs proclaiming that the class struggle is dead and we instead have the almost limitless success of new forms of organizations, often stating environmental and development NGOs as the most advanced forms in modern politics. A global civil society replacing class struggles with NGOs focusing on well defined rational areas or ways of ways of working. Or identity politics instead of struggles in solidarity for material interests were the important matter is to have your voice heard and not so much changes in material relationships between human beings or between human beings and the rest of nature.

Alberto from Via Campesina Mexico and Silvia Ribeiro from ETC group at seminar at Zócalo

Contrary to this view on politics the rural class struggle have been central to the emergence of the anti-globalization movement and the democratization of global popular movements allied to each other. The most decisive political actor that has united and radicalized the climate justice movement is the peasant movement Via Campesina. This influence has been strongly felt in global politics since the creation of People’s Global Action (PGA) in Geneva in 1998 and the successful anti privatization struggles in Cochabamba ten years ago were also a PGA meeting was held in 2001. Together with the mainly rural indigenous movements and the Zapatistas Via Campesina has been able to challenge the mainly urban NGO lobby industry. Especially successful since the creation of an alternative to the policy and lobby oriented Climate Action Network by the more political and popular movement oriented Climate Justice Now in 2007. This became clearly evident during the combination of mass activities during the climate summit in Copenhagen 2009. Here Via Campesina was the key mass movement that supported the Reclaim power direct action at the Bella Center fomenting the alliances between the different forms of struggle with the same political message – System change not climate change.

In Copenhagen the Klimaforum declaration System change not climate change clearly acknowledge a community-based approach but also the need for both rural and urban class struggle as well as other contradictions within a local community or society. Community based approaches are not enough ” On the contrary, it will need stronger alliances within and across all borders between direct producers in agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and industry. Alliances also built on the strength of gender equality and on recognizing and overcoming unjust power relations at all levels.”

The Peoples Agreement issued at the Cochabamba meeting takes a step further in both criticising capitalism and promoting indigenous perspectives. But it is less clear about class struggle and which is the actor that can contribute to social revolutionary change. The primary actor in the agreement is a ”we” and capitalism as a system should be confronted to a large extent by demanding rights. Thus when it comes to class struggle and recognizing contradictions the Peoples Agreement from Cochabamba is a step backward.

The statement issued by the excluded working group 18 (Mesa 18) in Cochabamba have a message more similar to the Klimaforum declaration both in terms of its focus on community approach and social struggles: ”New Model of Managing Natural Resources to counter the capitalist production model still prevalent in Latin America. which is situated in industrial development and the consolidation of transnationals, funded in private property, individual gain and consumerism, aspects which have been put to judgement by the nations and the people of Latin America. The development plans of these governments, including the Bolivian government, only reproduce the development model of the past.

To challenge climate change humanity needs to remember its cultural collective communitarian roots – this means building a society based on collective property and in the communal and rational management of natural resources, where the peoples decide in a direct way the destiny of natural wealth in accordance with their organising structures, their self determination, their norms and procedures and their vision of how to manage their territories.

History teaches us that there is only one effective way to transform society and to construct a social alternative to capitalism, that is the permanent mobilisation and articulation of our struggles.
….
Because of the lack of the will from governments of the world – we demand the power, as social organisations and farmers/peasants, to define a new management model and direct control of natural patrimony. With direct control by the workers from the farm and the city to establish policies of managing biodiversity in relation to necessity and not the dependence of our countries.”

(From unofficial translation at: http://cochabamba2010.typepad.com/blog/2010/05/mesa-18-declaration-english-spanish.html)

So the Klimaforum declaration and the Mesa 18 declaration Cochabamba is a more important base for maintaining the understanding of a balance between rural and urban class struggle than the Peoples Agreement from Cochabamba. Making the balance of rural and urban class struggles is essential in the cooperation ahead which today means primarily to raise the awareness and solidarity with the class struggle of the peasants world wide, a task one can hope becomes central in the Mexican and international mobilization towards Cancun and COP16.

2. Celebration of hope

Jyri Jaakola with the Finnish solidarity ship Estelle

Hope is essential to us all. The hope that grows in our hearts when we struggle collectively without illusions and with love. With that almost all is said. I just want to add to the commemoration of the murdered activists Beatriz Carino and Jyri Jaakola killed a week ago in Oaxaca while defending an autonomous commune. As Jyri came from Finland I would like to honour him with a song from Finland. It comes from the Åland island which is a Swedish speaking part of the country. It has a content and a melody quite different from the way Beatriz was celebrated yesterday here at Forum Social Mundial with a standing applause. In the Nordic countries commemoration is rather made by calling for a minute of silence and our traditional songs are rather melancholic than moving hearts by clapping hands. I will sing the song first in Swedish and then explain it in Spanish.

In Swedish:

Vem kan segla förutan vind?
Vem kan ro utan åror?
Vem kan skiljas från vännen sin
utan att fälla tårar?

Jag kan segla förutan vind,
jag kan ro utan åror,
men ej skiljas från vännen min
utan att fälla tårar.

In Spanish:

Quien puede navegar sin velas?
Quien puede remar sin remos?
Quien se puede separar de un amigo
sin lagrimas?

Puedo Navegar sin velas,
Puedo remar sin remos,
Pero no me puedo separar de un amigo
sin lagrimar

(In English:

Who can sail without the wind,
Who can row without an oar,
Who can leave behind a friend,
Without just one tear to pour?

I can sail without the wind,
I can row without an oar,
But I cannot leave a friend,
Without just one tear to pour.)

The melody is simple. You find it at http://www.ifisk.net/svenskfinland/vemkansegla.htm

Tord Björk singing in honour of Jyri Jaakola

3. A constructive Program

How is it possible to combine hope and struggle? The key to this combination is a constructive program. Here Klimaforum09 is an example of how it is possible for small groups to do the impossible by focusing beyond demands in reaction to the official UN agenda. On the one hand by making alliances with the international popular movements built on democratic principles having a leadership that is representing the global majority and thus with strong third world influence to have a stable ground for rejecting the false solutions promoted inside the negotiations. On the other side primarily focusing on alternatives.

How is this than possible? International politics is both at the governmental and the so called civil society level dominated by the agenda set by governments. Highly specialized NGOs have emerged with professionals following these negotiations and scrutinizing the content. This is a necessary work to be able to understand and defend important political demands. But it is also important to win the hearts of people and make politics understandable to have a constructive program that shows ways to solve the social and ecological problem at hand.

This struggle for a constructive program is less of interest to main stream NGOs getting their legitimacy from contributing constructively within the frame work of the system to negotiations and public debate. At least if the constructive program concern conflicts and is not primarily ideas about how market mechanisms or technical improvements can solve the climate crisis or changes in individual moral or ideology.

In Denmark ahead of COP15 the problems was aggravated as main stream organizations were about thousand times bigger in membership than organizations promoting system critical constructive programs. With lack of economic resources and professional staff the system critical organizations seemed helpless compared to the huge organizations as the Danish Conservation Society with 140 000 members in a country with 5 million inhabitants.

Initiated by an international permaculture meeting in Brazil 2007 small Danish ecological organizations and soon also a small member organization of Via Campesina, an organization with fisherfolks and Attac started to prepare a proposal for a counter summit during COP15. As they all were small lacking resources they approached the big main stream NGOs for cooperation to be able to host the tens of thousands of expected visitors to the Climate Summit in Copenhagen and the many alternative activities. But the main stream NGOs refused as they saw no purpose in organizing such an peoples event. They had all the access to the politicians they wanted as they had gained accreditation to the official conference venue and was in no need of any other activity to reach their goal embedded as they are in the language and procedures of the official negotiations.

Thus the small organizations were left with no other choice than to go on by themselves and so they did. They applied for support from the right wing government that was faced by a severe problem of legitimacy as they more than the main stream NGOs knew that for the legitimacy of international negotiations to close the possibility for alternative independent voices to be heard is against international standards. The government did what they could to both give money for a civil society forum but hand the power of the money over to NGOs and the small organizations leaving to others to decide. This caused furious conflict between the big NGOs who now when there was money were eager to get control of the proposal for a Klimaforum and the small organizations that refused to back on their original plan for a Klimaforum based on refusal of false solutions against the interests of many main stream NGOs eager to present themselves as responsible and supporters of such things as carbon trading. The small organizations did not give in and thus Klimaforum could finally be established against the interest of both the Danish government and the main stream NGOs.

It was also partly against the interest of the well established network for popular movements and NGOs for Climate Justice policy making during the climate negotiations, CJN and of course against the interest of Climate Action Network, CAN that more firmly is adopted to the rules of the lobby system. The relationship between established international representative levels of organizations and the local and national level during such occasions as a summit is always problematic. The cooperation between different organizations internationally is already a delicate matter. Adding to that the specific circumstances in which every political culture acts and reacts to political initiatives makes the situation even more complicated. Not so much for specialized NGOs that can work far above local realities but certainly for popular movements with popular participation as their main force. This main force is primarily possible to mobilize inside the country were the summit takes place. It cannot with any sustained result be imported from other countries.

Thus there was a conflict between the Danish organizations and the established CJN network. The Danes wanting to built a broad alliance for climate justice focusing not only on demands towards the UN summit but mainly on alternatives and a sustainable transition while CJN saw a problem in yet one more statement and how problematic it is to get many organizations united. Against the will of the Danes to make a declaration at the Klimaforum CJN organizations noted that it took one year to come to consensus on three bullet points in their common CJN agenda.

But the Danes had already received good support for their declaration process especially from the third world and wanted to go along anyway, a difference of opinion that was finally solved by building on the positions of CJN in the part addressing the UN negotiations while going deeper into the issues of how a social change and a constructive program for agriculture, forestry, town planning, energy, transport and industry can be constructed. This was well received by 500 organizations world wide signing on to the declaration that gave a lot more political coherence to both the Klimaforum activities with 50 0000 participants and the political linkage of the system change not climate change bloc in the main demonstration 12´th of December and the Reclaim power action on 16th of December. There were differences in the views on what forms to chose for the struggle but not much concerning the content of the different climate justice mass activities in Copenhagen.

Thus Klimaforum09 was a breakthrough for going beyond a UN agenda addressing the need for social revolutionary constructive programs for rural, urban and industrial reforms. The Peoples agreement from Cochabamba was in this aspect a step backward as the main focus here was on demands in relationship to the UN negotiations or demanding a set of rights. Here again the working group 18 had more the same kind of focus as Kliamforum09.

Every movement needs to be able to defend itself, to mobilize enough resources for its actions and a critical mass that can make a difference. The Cochabamba meeting had these qualities. In spite of the limitations of the UN system it is also the result of earlier social struggles manifested by the victory over Nazi Germany in the World War II  and the declaration of indivisible social and democratic human rights. With all their limitations such rights have been important to defend people and overcome oppression at times. UN has also sometimes played a progressive role in the struggle against colonialism and imperialism and at least in earlier days on environmental issues as sulphur dioxide emissions. Contrary to many other global institutions as WTO, IMF or groupings as G8 or G20, UN is an institution that is not completely an expression of the will of the rich and powerful nations but poses a possibility for defending important principles in international affairs. But this possibility depends on the strength of popular movements and their influence on governments which in general at the present moment is weak in many countries. The Cochabamba meeting can be seen as an expression of challenging the super powers and the rich nations within the system in a way that creates important venues for differences among the elite which again can open up for new more offensive possibilities.

Thus focusing alone on well formulated demands in relationship to the UN climate negotiation agenda is far from enough. It is necessary to build further on both a more conflict oriented social struggles agenda and a broad based social revolutionary constructive program for land, urban and industrial reform. We need a transition of agriculture from fossil fuel based to photosynthesis based in the hands of direct producers, We need planting of nutritious native trees for local community needs, we need building and rebuilding of housing and other buildings including the energy and transport systems based on social needs and organized by commons or public efforts against the interest of privatizations of all services, we need town planning against the occupation of public space by consumerist propaganda and cars.

“The art of living well”, participants at the social forum at Zócalo 2010

In Copenhagen 40 percent of the population use bicycles for their daily transport and it is now discussed how to create waves on the bike paths to avoid the rush hour queuing at red traffic signal and instead make the cars wait. The construction workers in Denmark propose a program for rebuilding houses making them climate friendly and the Danish peasant organization member of Via Campesina promotes a land reform. In Malmö next to Copenhagen in Sweden young activist in the Reclaim the fields movement started by Via Campesina grow food for the activists that came to COP15 and served for free. Now they are building a urban farming movement to strengthen local communities. In the Cancun region local ecological groups in an area with very little social cohesion and heavy under pressure from tourism exploitation are trying to create solidarity economy and ecological alternatives to the dominant development model. All over the world constructive alternatives are possible to win and to struggle for and unite beyond alliances for demands towards international negotiations.

Thus one can hope that a combination of the Klimaforum declaration from Copenhagen and both the Peoples Agreement and Mesa 18 declarations from Cochabamba can inspire the Mexican initiatives towards Cancun and the international mobilization to bring us steps beyond the official UN agenda towards more of social struggle and a constructive program to solve the climate problem in a way that also can solve other social and ecological problems.

Tord Björk

Open letter to Latin American organizations on cooperation towards COP16

Mexican flag above the Thematic World Social Forum at Zócalo in Mexico City 2010

Open letter to Latin American organizations on cooperation towards COP16
Cc Concerned Mexican organizations, CJA and CJN.

As Latin American organizations you have in an open letter addressed the issue of cooperation towards COP16 and especially pointed at Mexican organizations involved in the Pintale las rayas al cambio climatico campaign as your prefered cooperation partner while opposing the Mexican grass rooot organizations supporting the Klimaforum10 initiative.

This choice of cooperation partners and criteria chosen for making the choice between the two is of global interest. COP16 is a challenge after the failure of the official process and the successful combination of mass activities in Copenhagen as well as the Cochabamba meeting to protect mother earth. Both the mass activities carried out by Climate Justice Action, Klimaforum09, and Climate justice Now with the common demand – ”System change - not climate change” and the Cochabamba meeting was a major step towards marginalizing the role of professionalized often Northern based NGOs in world politics, groups like Greenpeace and Oxfam with their main cooperation partners in Climate Action Network and the tcktcktck campaign.

Your proposal for carrying forward these alliances that marginalized the professional NGOs makes it necessary to put some questions.

1. The climate campaign Pintale las rayas al cambio climatico you state as a main Mexican cooperation partner. This campaign is dominated in my opinion by Greenpeace, Oxfam and Mexican organizations funded by the Boell foundation linked to the German Green party. This means a strong European influence in the climate cooperation towards Cancun you prefer. The promoters of the Klimaforum10 initiative are indepedent Mexican ecological grass roots organization as Ecomunidades and Cambios that do not have international funding for their daily work or are part of transnational organizations with the leadership in the North. Why do you criticize Klimaforum10 for being strongly influenced by European interests when in fact it is rather the cooperation you prefer who can rightly be questioned for the same thing? Why do you put geograhic critieria as a main argument for your position rather than political arguments?

2. The Mexican grass roots organizations are firmly against all false solutions on climate change and support fully the Climate Justice Now platform. The organizations you prefer have stated at the Foro Social Mundial tematico that they want to combine both CJN and Climate Action Network positions. Why do you prefer to disregard the steps forward taken in Copenhagen were Klimaforum09, CJN and CJA jointly were able to marginalise the CAN professional NGOs and replace their lobbying with a joint System change not climate change message?

3. Greenpeace, Oxfam, Iniciativa 350 México, (Initiative 350), Heinrich Böll Stiftung. Oficina México, Centroamérica y el Caribe. Boell Fundation - Mexican office for Central America and the Carribean, Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental, (Mexican Center for Environmental Rights) Presencia Ciudadana, (Citizens presence) and Pronatura have in a joint Mexican position paper on REDD, reduction of emissions from deforestration and forest degradation, and other COP issues declared their positive affirmation of this instrument if it is not funded by market mechanisms and indigenous peoples rights are respected. But the concerns raised by many mass movements completly rejecting REDD like in India or among system critical organizations following the process are not only an issue of financing mechanisms and rights. It is also that in practice rights are quite often not followed  and the general push for saving the climate through monoculture plantations. Critical concerns about REDD that is also reflected in the statements made by the Cochabamba Climate Conference. The Klimaforum09 declaration does the opposite from what the Mexican NGOs prefer to do. In the declaration REDD is denounced  and instead a call is made for ”An immediate ban on deforestation on primary forests and the parallell initiation of an ambitious global tree-planting program based on native and diverse species in partnership with indigenous peoples and forest depedent communities.” These ideas are shared by the Cochabamba meeting as well as the Mexican grass root groups supporting the Klimaforum10 initiative, groups that have a long standing record of being indepedent from the envrionmental NGOs participating in sustainable development lobbying within the system. On which side are you politically in the conflict between main stream environmental NGOs like Greenpeace, Boell fundation and Oxfam and grass root environmental groups as Ecomunidades and the consensus reached in Cochabamba?

4. The Klimaforum09 did not allow political parties being members of the host committee although they in their own name could organize activities during the forum. The Mexican grass root organizations behind the Klimaforum10 are also sceptical towards political parties as members of a host committee. Is this a problem for you or your Mexican cooperation partners?

Tord Björk

On behalf of myself

Member of Friends of the Earth Sweden climate working group and the Peasant and indigenous committee

Message from Latinamerican organizations on Klimaforum10: http://www.aktivism.info/socialforumjourney/?p=1607
Report from Mexico by Christophe Aguiton and Nicola Bullard: http://www.climate-justice-now.org/the-mobilisation-for-cancun
Píntale las rayas al cambio climático: http://pintalelaraya.org
Mexican NGOs on REDD and other COP issues in Spanish: http://www.boell-latinoamerica.org/web/117.html or direct link to pdf file: http://www.boell-latinoamerica.org/downloads/10_puntos_Esenciales_Copenhage_final.pdf
A People’s Declaration from Klimaforum09: System change – not climate chnage:
http://declaration.klimaforum.org/declaration/english
Peoples Agreement, Cochabamba: http://pwccc.wordpress.com/2010/04/24/peoples-agreement

Mensaje de organizaciones latinoamericanas sobre Klimaforum10

Climate panel at the Foro Social Mundial tematico seen as a model for Cancun by some Mexican actors as RMALC opposing Klimaforum10. To the left Alejandro Villamar from RMALC, in the middle and to the right Francois Houtart. Tord Björk was the fourth participant in the panel here taking the photo.

La Alianza Social Continental, Jubileo Sur/Américas, CLOC-Via Campesina, Amigos de la Tierra América Latina y el Caribe (ATALC), REBRIP, RMALC, Marcha Mundial de las Mujeres, Coordinadora Andina de Organizaciones Indígenas (CAOI), la Convergencia de los Movimientos de los Pueblos de las Américas (COMPA) y CADTM Abya Yala estamos comprometidos en la construcción de un proceso de movilización conjunta en torno a la problemática del Cambio Climático, sus causas estructurales y sus reales soluciones.En este proceso, identificamos algunos momentos importantes en los próximos meses, como la cumbre Enlazando Alternativas, el Foro Social Américas y la realización de la COP16 en Cancún. Dado que el tema de esta última es el cambio climático, será especialmente estratégica para el conjunto del movimiento mundial sobre justicia climática.

Como se mencionó en la carta de la Asamblea de Movimientos Sociales, realizada en el marco de la Conferencia Mundial de los Pueblos sobre el Cambio Climático en Cochabamba “Evaluamos que la cuestión del cambio climático es importante junto a otras manifestaciones de la crisis sistémica global. Para confrontar realmente la ofensiva imperialista debemos frenar la militarización de nuestros territorios y la criminalización de los movimientos sociales, toda la agenda neocolonial contenida en los Tratados de Libre Comercio, el endeudamiento ilegítimo, el poder de las transnacionales y especialmente el modelo del agronegocio y extractivo que promueven en la privatización de la vida y la naturaleza”.

Durante la conferencia de Cochabamba discutimos y avanzamos en consolidar las alianzas con el ánimo de afianzar un proceso de movilización hacia Cancún, lo suficientemente sólido para darle continuidad posteriormente. En ese sentido, se resaltó la importancia de  retomar y seguir construyendo a partir de las experiencias anteriores, como la de la lucha contra el ALCA, que permitió identificar puntos de encuentro y luchas comunes entre los movimientos sociales del continente que nos oponemos a este modelo económico y social. Estas luchas han sido visibilizadas de muchas maneras, incluyendo a través de la realización de Cumbres de los Pueblos, que son momentos de resistencia, debate, construcción colectiva y movilización. Estas Cumbres constituyen una tradición para los movimientos de todo el hemisferio y tienen una legitimidad ganada como espacio de lucha frente a las distintas iniciativas neoliberales en contra de los pueblos.

En consecuencia, frente a la COP16 en Cancún, consideramos que es fundamental fortalecer el proceso continental, articulando con redes y organizaciones de otras regiones del mundo, como lo hemos hecho también anteriormente. Si bien respetamos y valoramos la experiencia del Klimaforum, éste respondía al contexto europeo y danés, específicamente. Intentar trasladarlo o importarlo a nuestra región implica desconocer la realidad de nuestras luchas, así como la identidad y la historia de las movilizaciones en el continente.

Reconocemos la importancia de llevar a cabo articulaciones con otras regiones, en especial en torno a este tema, cuyas implicaciones afectan a los pueblos de todo el mundo. De acuerdo con el espíritu de lo acordado en Cochabamaba, la prioridad es nutrirse y articularse con las campañas, redes y organizaciones regionales y globales que en los últimos años han trabajado para enfrentar el cambio climático y defender los derechos de la Madre Tierra, y otras redes, organizaciones regionales y globales sectoriales y temáticas que han asumido el mismo compromiso. Muchas de nuestras redes y movimientos tienen trabajo a nivel mundial. En ese sentido, creemos que la convocatoria y las movilizaciones de Copenhague fueron muy importantes y es necesario darle continuidad a las alianzas que allí se consolidaron y que también venían de procesos anteriores. Sin embargo, ello no puede resultar en un desconocimiento de los procesos nacionales y regionales.

En relación con el trabajo que se está desarrollando en México, consideramos importante plantear algunas precisiones: existen varios grupos de organizaciones sociales de todo el país que está trabajando en consolidar un espacio amplio de convergencia y movilización. Este trabajo es el resultado de una autoconvocatoria de todos los interesados (entre ellos RMALC, las organizaciones mexicanas que forman parte de la campaña “Píntale la raya al cambio” , Otros Mundos, organizaciones de todos los sectores sociales incluidos miembros de Vía campesina, y algunas ONG’s comprometidas con estas luchas). Dado que se está buscando una coalición lo más amplia posible, basada en el trabajo con las organizaciones sociales, se trata de un proceso que requiere su tiempo, en el que es necesario hacer actividades de difusión, formación y discusión para construir consensos de carácter popular en torno a nuestras demandas por justicia climática.

Apoyamos este proceso desde el nivel regional y creemos que el espacio que se desarrolle frente a la COP16, debe ser amplio, tener un carácter político y de movilización, en el que sea posible debatir con las distintas redes y organizaciones sociales a nivel mundial, para alzar nuestras voces de rechazo al modelo económico y demandar justicia climática.

Message from Latinamerican organizations on Klimaforum10

Alejandro Villamar to the left from RMALC, Mexican Network against Free Trade  that have signed the letter from Latin American organization below. In the middle Nicola Bullard from CJN at the discussion on Cancun at Foro Social Mundial tematico in Mexico City before the letter was sent.

The Hemispheric Social Alliance, Jubilee South/Americas, CLOC-Via Campesina, Friends of the Earth (Latin America and the Caribbean), REBRIP, COMPA, Jubilee South/Americas, Andean Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations (CAOI), Brazilian Network for the Integration of Peoples, the World March of Women and the Mexican Network against Free Trade and CADTM Abya Yala are committed to work  together in the construction of a process of joint mobilization around the problem of climate change, its structural causes and true solutions.  We have identified several key points in the coming months including the Enlazando Alternatives Summit, the Americas Social Forum in Paraguay and COP16 in Cancun.  Since the theme of COP 16 is climate change, it is especially strategic for the worldwide climate justice movement.

As stated in the letter from the Assembly of Social Movements, held during the World Peoples Conference on Climate Change in Cochabamba:  “We consider that the question of climate change is important, together with other manifestations of systemic global crisis. To truly confront the imperialist offensive we must stop; the militarization of our territories, the criminalization of social movements, the entire neo-colonial agenda contained in the Free Trade Agreements, illegitimate indebtedness, the power of transnational’s and especially the agro-business and extractive model which promotes the privatization of life and nature”.

During the Cochabamba conference, we discussed and advanced in the consolidation of alliances to build a process of mobilization for Cancun which is sufficiently solid to have subsequent continuity.  In this respect, the importance of building on pervious experiences such as the struggle against the FTAA, which enabled us to identify points of convergence and common struggles among the social movements of the continent opposed to this economic and social model.  These struggles are made known in many different ways including via Peoples’ Summits, which are moments of resistance, debate, collective construction and mobilization. These Summits are a tradition for the movements of the entire hemisphere and have earned legitimacy as spaces for struggle in the face of a plethora of neo-liberal initiatives against the peoples.

As a result, in the face of COP 16 in Cancun, we believe that it is crucial to strengthen the continental process, coordinating the efforts with networks and organizations from other regions of the world, as we have done in the past.  While we respect and value the experience of the Kilmaforum, it responds to the European and more specifically, Danish context.  An attempt to transfer or import it to our region would not respect the reality of our struggles, the identity or history of the mobilizations in our hemisphere.

We recognize the importance of joint actions with other regions, especially related to this theme, in light of the implications that affect the all of the peoples of the world.  In keeping with the spirit of agreements reached in Cochabamba, the priority is to strengthen ourselves and link eforts with the campaigns, networks, regional and global organizations that have worked in recent years to confront climate change and defend the rights of Mother Earth, as well as other regional and global sector networks and thematic organizations which have made the same commitment.  Many of our networks and movements are working at a global level.  In this respect, we believe that the convocation and mobilizations in Copenhagen were very important and it is necessary to continue the alliances that were consolidated there, and emerged from previous processes. However, this must not ignore national and regional processes.

In relation to the work that is happening in Mexico, we think it is important to make a few observations:  there are a number of social organizations around the country which are working to consolidate a broad space of convergence and mobilization. This work is the result of a call which went out among interested groups (including RMALC, the Mexican organizations which are a part of the “Drawing the line for Change” campaign, Other Worlds, organizations from all social sectors including members of Via Campesina and some NGOs which are a part of this struggle).  Given that the goal is the broadest possible coalition, based in the work of the social organizations; it is a process which requires time. Activities that provide information, formation and discussion must be carried out in order to construct popular consensus around our demands for climate justice.

We support this process from a regional level and we believe that the space being developed in preparation for COP16 must be broad, have a political character and be oriented towards mobilization, where a debate can be held with networks and social organizations at a global level, to raise our voices in rejection of the economic model and to demand climate justice.

Towards COP16 in Mexico

The discussion the second day at FSM tematico on Cancun initiatives

Five Mexican movement initiatives towards the Climate summit in Cancun were presented at two meetings during Foro Social Mundial tematico 2-4th of May in Mexico City and at an ad hoc meting during WSF international meeting. Partly the initiatives were linked to each other. Political content and what organizations actually backs which initiatives was somewhat unclear. Partly because some were not present at the first meeting as Klimaforum10 and Via Campesina, partly because what to do and what demands to put forward is still to be discussed. The five initiatives were:

Sandra Luna from CEMDA speaking and Jorge Villareal from Boell foundation charing the meeting during the first day of the discussion at FSM tematico on cooperacion towards Cancun

1. The meetings without a name, afterwards others have labeled these meetings Frente amplio, broad front, a classical Latin American left wing concept. 6 such meetings has taken place. Participants are networks cooperating internationally with Latin American movements on anti neoliberal and other issues, NGOs as Greenpeace and other rather main stream environmental organizations as well as ecological grass roots groups.

Alejandro Villamar from RMALC to the right together with Christophe Aguiton and Nicola Bullard during the second day of the Cancun discussions

2. Climate justice campaign towards Cancun, a Latin American campaign also still without a name supported by Mexican organizations as RMALC, the network against free trade that grow out of the struggle against NAFTA. This group  participates in the broad meetings and describes its purpose as participating in the open meetings to come to an agreement with the bigger environmental NGOs, often having international funding, on a common platform towards Cancun. (these environmental NGOs are sometimes mentioned as important as they are organizing the climate campaign “Pintale la Raya al Cambio Climatico” - http://pintalelaraya.org. It should also be noted that in general main stream environmental organizations and Climate Action Network (CAN) groups in Latin America are more radical than in the US or Europe but of course still far from the position of ecological grass roots groups and a clear Climate Justice Now standpoint, see Pintale la Raya al Cambio Climatico campaign as an example.

Silvia Ribeiro from ETC group at Via Campesina seminar discussing with local activist

3. Organicaciones de base ; almost grass roots organization, and partly or all Mexican Via Campesina. This was presented as a strand that was not completly integrated in the other initiatives.

From the left Eugenio and Ruben from Cambios and to the right Miguel Valencia from Ecomunidades, grass roots promoting Klimaforum10

4. Klimaforum 10 - an initiative by ecological grass roots organizations with social justice concerns on a radical platform similar to the Cochabamba and Klimaforum09 declarations excluding the Climate Action Network and tcktcktck campaigning promoted by Greenpeace and others. Some of the ecological groups behind the Klimaforum10 initiative have more radical demands on emissions, growth and social change than the environmental NGOs or even Climate Justice Now but want to have a broad platform for the Klimaforum10 based on the rights of Mother earth, Human rights and migrant rights and the system change not climate change declaration from Copenhagen.

In general Klimaforum10 people were more open about the content, both their own and what they wanted for a common platform. They stated also where the grass root ecological movements might differ from others. They said: they are for animal rights, and more to the point they are against capitalism but also oppose socialism when it is developmentalist (desarollistas) which is the case with many left wing political parties in Latin America and according to their experience in the Mexican capital region. This is why they are all for the Cochabamba declaration on the rights of Mother Earth with one exception, the notion of socialism. They have been the only force in the climate justice discussions here at FSM meetings on climate justice cooperation that have positively mentioned the Zapatista kind of struggle while being sceptical towards left wing parties. They were also the only ones mentioning the systemcritical Mesa 18 in Cochabamba were indigenous groups and ecological groups met opposing mining and other development projects causing social and environmental problems in Bolivia and ALBA countries. This Mesa 18 was not allowed to be part of the official Cochabamba meeting. That Klimaforum10 mentioned Mesa 18 was not seen positively by some other groups present belonging to the Cochabamba main stream.

Klimaforum10 have 18 people engaged voluntarily and meetings twice a week. They have contacted the foreign ministry for infrastructure support.

5. Local ecological grass root organizations in the Cancun region. Fundacion sin fronteras working on ecological issues and solidarity economy and likeminded small groups in the region presented the situation. Danish Peoples Climate Action (mostly big NGOs of the tcktcktck kind having a coordination during COP15 in Copenhagen) have visited Cancun and a meeting for all interested took place. The local “left wing” government have made and NGO with one person in key position previously in the government. As the local grass roots organizations are sceptical towards the left wing government and its record they have maintained their own cooperation but lack resources.

Discussion during the first day on initiatives towards Cancun

The first meeting was held on Monday. It was chaired by a young person from the Boell foundation which is linked to the German Green party and a main donor to many NGOs and environmental projects in Mexico. The chair intervened quite extensively in the discussion. The main contradiction in the Mexican work towards Cancun was said to be the relationship with government. On what issues was not presented which made the discussion obscure. Centro Mexicana de Derechos Ambientales seemed not against to have some contacts with the government while RMALC was opposed. Both groups participates in the broad meetings without name.

The discussion was extensive but did not make the political content much more clear. There is a strong Latin American cooperation between well established networks that used the meeting in Cochabamba to further develop their work towards Cancun. It was also clear that there were many Mexican grass roots organisations, especially rural, that had their own discussion on their own agenda. All Mexican groups stated that there was a need to develop more consciousness about climate change and climate justice in Mexico.

The most clear political agenda at the first meeting was promoted by RMALC, mainly stating it was climate justice and referring to Cochabamba and some general climate justice agenda as Latin American networks have formulated the issue. It was more presented as something that was well known already and not to be contested rather than in a critical manner showing what the differences could be in relation to other opinions or in relation to possible internal differences.

A more clear political discussion seems to be hard to have as the broad meetings was sometimes presented as only for information exchange and the participants so far in spite of many meetings have not made their opinion clear. At other times the purpose was presented as enabling to come to an initiative later.

The general Picture can be summarized: On the one hand there was a Mexican initiative emerging with RMALC as the key organization within the broad meetings getting their legitimation from their established position as a network working with many different summits and latin American networks as the Hemispheric Alliance. On the other hands Klimaforum10 with Ecomunidad and like minded organization as key groups that have a long term commitment to local ecological struggles also against the left wing regional government that was funding the FSM tematico. These groups lack international experience before going to Copenhagen, have coordinated the ecological part of Mexican social forums earlier when it was not as much in their mind coopted by the regional government. They also never recieved any international funding. Apart from these two groups the third dominant actor are environmental NGOs as Greenpeace and others often funded by Boell foundation who all have a key position in the Frente amplio meetings. These groups stated clearly their undecisiveness, that they wanted to have the situation open including cooperating with CAN and not only CJN. Via Campesina made it clear that they are going to have their own process to find out their agenda in different parts of Mexico.

Nicola Bullard to the left from Climate Justice Now and Focus on the Global Sotuh together with Alberto from Via Campesina Mexico and Silvia Ribeiro from ETC group

A problem seems that many Mexican groups except for the ecological grass roots groups who have for long been working on climate and environmental issues and RMALC who have a long record in international cooperation with other networks are uncertain about the issue and want to wait and see tofind out were possible cooperation partners are. RMALC and their closest cooperation partners seems especially looking at tactics in relation to election that will take place in the whole region of Cancun the following months. Thus a clear political picture is not possible until after this according some estimations. To get support from the regional government is seen as a key element for getting  resources by this group and then go to the federal government. Via Campesina had announced a sceptical meeting in Mexico City in connection to both FSM tematico and WSF International committee meeting. But this was postponed due to Mexican Via Campesina that needs more time to discuss their position.

Tord Björk

Miljöförbundet Jordens Vänner, Friends of the Earth Sweden

COP15 ALBA mass meeting: Full of lost possibilities

Content
The COP15 promising ALBA mass meeting, see below.

The lost left wing opportunity

How the left supported the police against demonstrators in Copenhagen

Day by day reactions on repression December 12 to 18:

Saturday 12th of December - Come safely to peaceful demonstration

The left wing cover up

Sunday 13th of December – ”we were violently opposed”

Monday 14th of December – ”unfortunately too many arrests”

Tuesday 15th of December ”It does not belong in a democracy”

Wednesday 16th of December - “No soft feelings”

Thursday 17th of December – ”Eat breakfast with Morales”

Friday 18th of December – International networks demonstrate against Danish repression

Danish self-criticism

Why is the left promoting police perspectives?

Danish political claustrophobia

The way the Danish left assess Copenhagen

The paternalistic Red Green Alliance

Trotskyist climate heroes without guts

Non-parliamentary left: A Waterloo for activists, not a new Seattle

From anti neoliberal left to authoritarian state-media governance left

Other material:

12 December Initiative – huge success or background for branding?

Open letter on Denmark’s freedom and legal situation

The whole world on trial

The Fall of the Bella Wall: Power Reclaimed

Activist setting up ALBA meeting posters. From ALBA meeting website

The COP15 promising ALBA mass meeting

Seldom has so many organisers been misusing a great opportunity for political intervention to support climate protesters and democratic rights in general as at the mass meeting at the Valby hall on December 17 at 16.00 in Copenhagen during COP15. What could have been a strong left-wing contribution to the climate justice struggle became more of an exotic political show for Western Europeans to hope for other parts of the world to bring about change. I will come back to these critical remarks in length at the end of this article but first a regular report from the meeting.

As such the meeting was predictable. It filled its purpose well of being a unique chance to meet many presidents or vice presidents from progressive regimes in Latin America and the Caribbean from the so called ALBA countries. Sometimes the feeling of being many at the same place sharing a hope together is of importance for sustaining everyday struggles. The role these countries have made it relevant during the Climate Summit to invite their leaders to share a moment of hope that it least somewhere changes can takes place in the whole society of social and ecological importance. Cuba for being the maybe best example on earth on practical transition to a sustainable society. Bolivia for being an example for promoting climate justice demands. In general all ALBA countries for being examples of creating better conditions for the majority of people bringing hopes for alternatives. As the title of the meeting stated: ALBA a solidarity and sustainable alternative.

The meeting started in traditional working class movement style with the Red Horn orchestra followed by welcome speach from the initiator Danish-Cuban Association and Anders Olesen, chair of the Danish Construction Workers Union, an organization also providing security guards. The Danish well known Savage Rose were playing as well as the protest singer David Rovics from the US who celebrated ”St.Patricks Brigade”, Irishmen who fought on the loosing Mexican side in the war against US 1846. Other musicians performing were Wayna Rap, Los Alejandros and Tamra Rosanes. There were almost 4 000 participants according to the organisers, 2 500 sold tickets at 100 Danish crowns and as many participants  according to the main stream press and 3 000 to 4 000 participants according to friendly press.

Poster on the ALBA meeting website

At 17.30 Esteban Lazo, vice president of Cuba entered the podium as the first speaker. He greets the meeting by saying that the first five years of ALBA has been celebrated in Havana. A human and solidarity alternative that shows that another world is possible.

The response greetings to Fidel Castro and the Cuban revolution by the participants of the mass meeting. ”Cuba Si! Yankee No!” is the call from the floor and Lazo answers, I bring greeting from the Cuban president Raul Castro, and the leader of the Cuban revolution Fidel Castro.

ALBA is not an alternative only for Latin America and the Caribbean, but for all people of the planet he continues. The Alba countries are today standing together with the progressive forces in the rest of the world in the struggle for the right of life and earth. We have to salvage this earth because we have no other.

This is why the most important battle of humanity is taking place in Copenhagen these days. Lazo described the problems in the negotiations and the need not to allow the control of CO2 emissions come into the hands of the market. We should not speculate in the future of our and our children’s future. We are fighting not only for social justice but also for human survival. The solution to the climate problems lies in a new economic model that puts people at the centre concluded Lazo.

Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Samuel Santos followed him stating that the ALBA countries alternative was the only sustainable. Santos made a similar speech as Lazo but was also responding to a comment from the audience in Spanish saying ”mujeres”, women. As the left wing Nicaraguan government have been accused by feminists movements for oppressive abortion laws the Foreign Minister was well prepared. He informed about free health care for women after and how mother care and family planning have saved many women’s life.

Chavez and Morales in Copenhagen, http://www.flickr.com/photos/tantundem/ / CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

The podium became more and more full of a mix of people, diplomats, an admiral in white uniform, security guards; from many members of the ALBA bloc. During Santos’ speech the atmosphere became more tense and people started to wisper that Evo an Hugo had arrived. Than from behind the scene they entered, the Bolivian and Venezuelan presidents that so many had waited for: »Compañeros!«. The cameras were flashing, hands shaken, bodies embraced at the podium and wolf whistling, chanting and applause from the audience at the scene and those sitting at the galleries comes forward to great the socialist leaders. »Venceremos! – Let’s win!«.

The Bolivian president enters the speakers tribune greeted by chanting from the floor:

»Evo - Evo - Evo de nuevo!«

Some presidents do not want to discuss the causes behind climate change, Morales started coming directly from the negotiations. I will tell you the cause: Capitalism. Capitalism is the worst enemy – both for life and the climate. - Let’s unite and defend our earth, Morales challenged the meeting.

Inside the Bella Centret the leaders of the rich countries defend capitalism, a society of abundance for a few and wastage, the president told the meeting.

»We are not alone on the struggle to protect Mother Earth. Only the support from blow can change the world. Help me say loud. The planet or death – Let us win! cried Evo Morales. The audience responded willingly.

Then the Bolivian president Evo Morales surprised by announcing that a popular referendum is underway, and has been proposed for the entire world, to find out whether the world’s citizens would support or reject ideas for saving “Pachamama” (Mother Earth).

His speech was greeted with applause on several occasions. Morales affirmed that even if the governments of the rich nations rejected such a referendum, the peoples represented in the organizations and demonstrations in Denmark had already expressed, with their protests, their initial approval of the initiative.

Evo suggested the following questions for a worldwide referendum on climate change:

“..Do you agree to restore a harmonious relationship with Nature recognizing the rights of Mother Earth…?”

Siiiii  is the positive response in Spanish from the floor.

“…Do you agree to change this excessively consumerist and wasting model, that is, the capitalist system…?”

Si once more.

“…Do you agree that the developed countries should reduce and reabsorb their greenhouse effect gas emissions so that the temperature do not raise more than one degree…?”

Once more the hall is in unity with the speaker.

“…Do you agree on transferring everything that is currently being spent in wars to create a budget higher than the defence budget to tackle the problem of climate change..?.”

Yet again is the answer from the floor Si!

”…Do you agree in setting up a special court to sentence climate criminals?”

The hall agreed loudly. All five proposals had been adopted. Evo Morales had proposed exactly the same demands at the official conference with some minority support (except for the limitation to one degree temperature rise if Fidel Castro’s reports is correct). He concludes that we now finally had agreed to a document at this summit.

As he was finishing his plenary speech for the basis for a world wide referendum Hugo Chavez came to his side. While Evo had used 15 minutes for his speech, Hugo now used two hours.

From telesur

“Long live the young people, the volcano of socialism, the volcano of the peoples!” So did Hugo Chavez start his speech. “On behalf of Venezuela, the Bolivarian revolution, the ALBA, I want to thank very much, the invitation to this event,” he said. It was all on live Venezuelan public service TV.

“Long live Bolivar!” continued the president, recalling that on December 17, but on 1830, Simón Bolívar died. “Bolivar was an example of what should be a young revolutionary”, assured Chavez to those present.

Chavez received his strongest response from the floor in the beginning of his speech when he declared himself a feminist, and said that all socialists and Marxists also must be feminists and support the rights of women.

From telesur

Only unity will bring us victory stated Chavez and quoted or mentioned both the Inca indian leader Túpac Amaru, Rosa Luxemburg, the Cuban revolutionaries Jose Marti, Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, Nicaragua national hero Sandino, Jesus, Muhammed and the Danish philosopher Søren Kirkegaard in his speech. He especially praised the activists inside and outside the Bella Centre conference and criticized strongly the brutality of the police.

- I have seen much hard repression on the streets of Copenhagen these days, Chavez cried out, repression that you do not see in Cuba, Ecuador or Bolivia. He specifically gave full support to the attempt by demonstrators to use non-violent civil disobedience to enter the Bella Centre. System Change not climate change, the slogan used by the protesters was many times repeated in his speech.

Chavez addressed the threat from US against the new socialistic revolution in the South and how new military bases are erected. Behind the facade of Obama the imperialists tries to stop this revolution and to threaten all the Latin American people. But we will resist and see to that that the empire will be defeated.

- The revolution in the North is coming. I feel it. People in the north, unite with people in the South and let us together make the great world revolution against imperialism, capitalism and death! The celebration of these words exploded when Chavez resounding voice and fist signaled to the committed mass meeting participants the socialists revolution also in Europe.

Have you red the Communist manifesto? Read it again! It will be relaunched. From Caracas we have called a meeting to establish a 5th International. As Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels established the 1st International, Rosa Luxemburg, was among those establishing the 2nd International, Lenin made the 3rd International and Trotsky formed the 4th International we are of the opinion that it is time to call for, to gather, to start the struggle for the 5th International. An international of both parties, social movements and trade unions building upon Marxism, socialism, communism and the true spirit of Christianity and Islam.

Organize, Chavez challenged the floor and the meeting became excited.

- A united people can never be defeated! Chavez! Chavez! Chavez! was chanted in chorus by the participants.

After his speech Chávez went down to Morales and put his arm around him on the podium.

- ¡Viva el socialismo! - Long live socialism they cried out.

- ¡Viva!, - Long live!, the floor responded.

”¡Hasta la victoria, Siempre!” – Towards victory always!
”¡Patria, Socialisme o Muerte! Venceremos!” Fatherland, socialism or death!

Shouted Chavez and he and Morales jumps down from the podium to reach out to all the outstretched hands in the front row. With them came rather surprised and not very pleased security guards and some somewhat lost Danish policemen while Hugo and Evo now slowly went along the barrier shaking hands and talked to people taking a good time doing it for almost half an hour. The band Somos una Venezuela could finally start very late after schedule while many now were leaving enthusiastic about their experience according to many reports. As one report concluded: They went from there with a hope in their hearts: Another world is possible.

The lost left wing opportunity

The mass meeting in the Valby hall 17th of December was a lost left wing opportunity to support the climate justice protesters. One can wonder why. In scale it had only two indoor competitors. Al Gore was supposed to speak at an indoor mass meeting organized by Berlingske, the most conservative daily in Denmark since 250 years. 3 000 tickets were sold but refunded as Al Gore chose to not come. The main stream climate campaigners gave walk over to the left. The other competitor was the other mass activity in Valby during COP15, the so called climate prison with the infamous cages were the detained got pepper sprayed by the authorities if they protested to much against their degrading treatment. In total almost 2 000 were detained during COP15, most of them in this Valby temporary prison. According to reports the protest spirit in this prison were at times as high as in the Valby hall, and maybe more lasting.

The ALBA mass meting on December 17 waspart of a dynamic between three other mass activities, see: http://www.aktivism.info/socialforumjourney/?p=742

The ALBA mass meeting was perfectly timed and placed in relation to the political process of inside and outside activities during COP15 7th to 19th of December 2009. In Copenhagen four mass activities were organised to politically intervene in the climate negotiations and/or build an independent climate justice movement. All four complementing each other both in form and their political direction. The December 12 demonstration built on the idea of a low common denominator and large variety of expressions, even contradictory. A market place for demands mainly to put pressure on governments for a ”real deal” and thus state centric in its dominant appeal. The Klimaforum starting on December 7 with a political unified goal to challenge the ideology and practical proposals followed by the dominant forces inside COP15 more focused system critique and on movement building and diverse local solutions. The Reclaim power mass action on December 16 challenging the official conference directly by attempting at disrupting it during a day of mass civil disobedience. And finally the mass meeting on December 17 with presidents from Venezuela and Bolivia supporting sustainable alternatives to the present model of development promoted by COP15 with a socialist state centric tendency at the bottom.

The mass meeting came the day after protests reached a peak when civil disobedience activists both on the outside and the inside demanded system change not climate change in the Reclaim power action. The mass action could succeed in political practice. Although the action was violently stopped by the police when the two groups were less then 50 meters from each others the protesters got full support from the tribune inside the general assembly of UNFCC by the president of Bolivia and Venezuela. What the mass action failed to do physically against a violent police force it succeeded by building a political alliance across the wall around Bella center.

Thus the presidents of the ALBA countries and those Danish organizations that arranged a mass meeting with them the following day had the best of opportunities to take initiatives for moving the struggle ahead. Morales or Chavez would certainly not stopping the Danish organisers to take such a political intiative. On the contrary they supported the protesters goal of system change as well as protested against the heavy repression. The situation was considerably helped by the facts that for the first time ever the police of a host country of a UN meeting had been violently attacking accredited UN delegates when they wanted to leave the official venue and furthermore that 918 demonstrators had randomly been arrested during a mass demonstration some days earlier in an act of police violence against democratic rights which probably lack any precedence in Europe the last 50 years. People from almost any kind of movement, young conservationists, Hare Krishna, Friends of the Earth and Attac members, Socialists and people’s high school students. For some reason had the Danish organisers not acted collectively defending their demonstrators. Some actually supported the police as the Social Democrats while the spokes person for the organisers made a press statement about disproportionate police behaviour as if these acts of diverging messages to the media was sufficient reaction on the massive degrading and anti democratic treatment of demonstrators.

The political content was already worked out in unity at the Klimaforum in the declaration process ending in the demand System Change – not climate change, something that all actors agreed to from the Climate justice bloc that was attacked in the demonstration on December 12 to the Reclaim power action to the ALBA presidents. The title of the mass meeting in the Valby hall fitted well in – ALBA a solidarity and sustainable alternative. A politically better situation for a system critical movement of movements had not occurred in many years when peasants, environmentalists, indigenous, women, workers, antiimperialists, pacifists and above all young people were building a long term political program for climate justice. The great obstacles had been differences in  tactics and the extreme level of repression.

Formal Danish organisation whether left-wing, environmental, trade unions or others had all with one exception been advocating that the problem were activists and especially activists that wanted to use civil disobedience at the official COP15 venue. This in their eyes would result in immediate violence which had to be avoided at any cost. In Denmark the formal system critical organizations stated in chorus it is impossilble to defend any civil disobedience at a legal assembly as the UN. Thus the Danish activist network that jointly organized the Reclaim power action together with global mass movements as Via Campesina, Jubilee South and People’s Movement on Climate Change was isolated by all formal organisations in Denmark as a threat to mass mobilisation in the form of a broad demonstration together with NGOs and celebrities as speakers.

Many actually accused the Reclaim power action for the new laws and extreme repressive police tactics that emerged in Denmark,. This trend has been going on for many years in Denmark both during the present right wing governments and earlier during the centre-left governments. By challenging this trend towards escalating repression those claiming the need of non-violent actions at Bella Center was accused of causing growing repression and thus also threatening the necessary large scale mobilisation for the broad December 12 demonstration. If only people stayed away from any confrontational actions, maybe did some civil disobedience far away from the politicians, police repression would be so much less was the political thinking behind this attitude. For many people from the third world this kind of Danish thinking was completely impossible to understand as if repression is the result of that some organizes non-violent direct actions and confrontational protest and not the result of social relationships and material conditions in society.

By December 17 there had been all chances to discuss the matter with the movements from the rest of the world willing to take part in the Reclaim power action as they had been in Copenhagen for more than a weak. The Danish system critical organisations whether ecological or left wing had all chances to have a dialogue with their international cooperation partners. After all the Climate Summit was not only a Danish business.

Preparing for anti repression demonstration at Klimaforum December 17. Photo Tord Björk

By December 17 it was also obviously clear to everyone that the Danish formal organizations were wrong. No violence was caused by the activists during the December 16 action at all. The very little bit of violence during COP15 had taken place on Saturday outside the demonstration close to Christiania when a policemen was reported being hit by a stone although no reports claimed any serious harm. Property damage was also not the case during the Reclaim power action and very little on December 12, a dozen windows broken by demonstrators who were forced into the main demonstrations contrary to their plans to go elsewhere. The repression excesses by the Danish state were completely exposed as outrageous to anyone able of doing some political work.

It was with other words a perfect situation to make a collective support for democratic rights against the governmental and right wing xenophobian and climate sceptical Danish People’s party to drastically raise already extreme repression laws and police tactics against protesters. 918 people had been arrested for doing nothing in a normal demonstration and then had the police used many kinds of violence to prevent a joint inside-outside People’s Assembly close to the fences of the Bella center area. If there was any chance to revert this drastic attack on democratic rights in Denmark with great risks for the rest of Europe and the world it was now.

There was certainly a sufficient number of left- wing organizations arranging the mass meeting. They included five local trade unions, four communist parties and the red Green alliance, Friendship organisation with Cuba, Venezuela, North Korea and Bolivia as well as some solidarity organizations with Latin America and the world and Artists for Peace.

Many of these organizations of course produced individual statements as did any serious environmental organisation or Amnesty protesting against the mass arrests. But to do something in common was far beyond what the Danish left-wing organizations thought of as necessary. Collective action and mass movement is a common word in the language of these organisation, but when this collective action is needed and the mass movement exist and is under attack the response from these formal left wing organisation is a refusal to do anything about it.

This extremist position to allow the police to freely use the new anti democratic laws which the Trade Union Central in Copenhagen  called police state laws needs an explanation. Why can we not anymore in a common European state trust the left-wing to defend popular movements, let alone their own interests anymore?

The resources were at hand. One of the Communist parties arranging the mass meeting publishes a daily, actually the only daily linked to any left wing party in Denmark. The parliamentary Social democrats, Socialist People’s Party and the Red Green Alliance long ago let their dailies and even weeklies sometimes pass away and lack own strong media to reach out with their message. But Arbejderen, The Worker, exists and reaches out to quite a few as it is the only left-wing daily in the whole country with more than 4 000 subscribers. Furthermore has most of the Communist parties as well as the Red Green Alliance youth groups that are quite a lot involved in the street actions going on and do not lack organizational capacity if needed. There is capacity to mobilize in Copenhagen among the left. Some hours after the police struck against oil war refugees from Iraq and violently started to deport them from the Brorson church in Copenhagen half a year ago 20 000 demonstrated in a fast reaction.

But this time the leftwingers chose to avoid initiating a Danish collective action to protest against the heavy repression in spite of that it would have been very simple to get broad support also from organizations as Friends of the Earth International and about any international organisation present. The only thing needed would actually have been to join the initiative on the way already for a demonstration the next day on December 18. The Valby hall meeting would be an excellent opportunity for Danish organizations to take a lead in mobilizing the Danish people against the degrading treatements and arrests. After all Danish organizations can better mobilize people in Copenhagen and follow up on the necessary anti repression work in this country than international organisations can do.

But the Danish left-wing rather clapped their hands when Chavez and Morales protested against the repression on the streets of Copenhagen than wanted to do something about it themselves with the support of the ALBA presidents.

So why did they chose to stay passive against their own self interest and against the need of the global mass movements that they so much talk about in their newspapers?

There are at least some factors behind this lack of solidarity. One is isolation. The formal left wing in Denmark had chosen to organise their own activities far from any interest in cooperating internationally or as a force inside movement building mass activities as the Klimaforum or Climate Justice Action. Only the cooperation with main stream NGOs who chose celebrities or party leaders as speakers for the demonstration was to them of interest as they could use this lowest common denominator activity to brand their own organization rather than to contribute to building a mass movement.

Thus contrary to e.g. Sweden during European Social Forum did the Cuban friendship association state that they were only interested in making their own activities at Klimaforum and not as the Swedish Cuban association state that they wanted both to make their own activities and contribute to the common work during ESF. In Sweden the Cuban association representatives became a coordinator of the program group and did many other tasks for the common good, in Denmark the main initiator behind the ALBA meeting, which officially was part of the Klimaforum program but placed elsewhere due to lack of sufficiently big hall, was the Danish Cuban Association who chose to isolate itself from any common responsibility for the Klimaforum.

And so did all their left wing cooperation partners that arranged the ALBA meeting. Why do something to enable a mass movement to evolve when one can sit in isolation to clap the hands in hope that people on the other side of the planet shall make the revolution for you or walk in a demonstration branding your organization were the media message is to a large degree controlled by NGO celebrities?

Furthermore the Danish organizers had no links to their international counterparts. The kind of traditional state centric left wing politics which dominates the organisers of the ALBA meeting have its strong counterparts on the international arena in the People’s Movement on Climate Change as well of course in the ALBA countries. PMCC was the most loyal of all international networks towards all mass activities in Copenhagen not imposing it own will but giving strength from the very beginning to common efforts thus uniting the Danish and international partners. While many other international networks had much of their own agenda and only slowly started to be interested in such an initiative as Klimaforum PMCC was there from the very start to the end. They insisted on the need for stating that the economic system have to change and national sovereignty as important but for the rest they at many times in the Klimaforum declaration process could contribute with consensus formulations from their long time work with mass movement cooperation mainly in the South and with migrant communities in the North. When I in October informed them about the ALBA meeting they knew nothing about it although it had been initiated already in the summer and PMCC had been clearly visible at the international CJA preparatory meetings in Copenhagen. But the Danish left wing is primarily internationalist in words and primarily with those in power at state level it seems. Internationalism in practice in the climate justice movement was not what interested the Danish Left wing 2009.

Reclaim power banner during the December 18 anti repression march, Photo Avenirclima.info

Another reason for the lack of interest in solidarity with the international movement in Copenhagen was that many left wing organisations in Denmark had been strongly advocating against the reclaim power action and instead promoted the December 12 demonstration. Their argument was that it would be impossible for the public to understand why a civil disobedience action took place to establish a People’s Assembly inside the Bella center area. If the mass movements from the South as Via Campesina which most of these left wing organisations strongly claim they support as long as they organise heroic struggles far from Denmark saw such a need, that was not of interest to discuss. Danish organisations are primarily Danish organizations and as such racist. It is useful to use Via Campesina as an exotic example in their propaganda but not as a cooperation partner then maybe something is at risk. The control freak of any Danish organization seems than to become a maniac against even his own interest with the exception of very few individuals or organisations that alone have to carry the burden of the many.

The daily Arbejderen was one of these left wing spaces used by representatives of the Communist party owning the paper to state that the Reclaim power action was bad and the demonstration on the December 12 was the good alternative. The chair of the construction workers union in Denmark who was the only Danish key note speaker at the ALBA mass meeting had the same opinion in a letter published in a few Danish dailies signed also by a fisherman and a peasant, both chairpersons of other social movement organisations. It took a very long time before any system critical formal organisation made their strong opinions against the Reclaim power action public but once they did so it seems as if nothing anymore can change their mind, even when it is clear that they were wrong.

The Danish super model that was selected speaker at the December 12 demonstration was on one main Danish television channel the only political messenger of the 100 000 voices in the demonstration. Between pictures of her catwalking in her model career she stated that there are quarrels in any family and so there is at COP15 but in the end the problems will be solved. The message of how police were beating UN accredited persons on their way to the People´s Assembly December 16 could not be misunderstood, the claims by some or many formal Danish organisations that the activists would become violent was shown to be completely false and the action got full support from Morales and Chavez from the inside. But why bother.

The activists had objected to the wise persons in the formal Danish organisations and thus had both them and all the 918 mass arrested in the December 12 demonstration broken a golden Danish rule, always trust a COP and their definition of what is violence. What the Danish left-wing might do is issuing individual press releases, but more cannot be expected. After all, heavy repression with targeted arrests of almost all spokespersons of a non violent civil disobedience action, is what one deserves if one have gone against the advice of all formal Danish left wing organizations and dared to unite with mass movements from all over the world in front of the nose of the hitherto monopoly actors in Danish radical solidarity work.

The organisers of the ALBA meeting had of course different possibilities of doing something. The organization that seems to have been most positive towards Reclaim power was a communist party still looking upon Stalin as an important ideologue.  Their capacity to mobilize many was limited both in terms of Danish support and any links to central international climate justice organizations. The Red Green Alliance had the opposite position and actually excellent possibilities both in Denmark and the rest of the world. They had the chance as a modern radical left-wing party and one of the few that at least for a while even had a proper agricultural programme strongly present in Summit protests since Amsterdam 1997 and in the global justice movement. They also played a central role in organizing of the December 12 demonstration, or at least one of their International Socialist members. On photos from the preparations for the ALBA meeting one can see Thomas Eisler from Red Green Alliance, member of the national board of the party and active in the Fourth international as well as European Social Forum last year.

Especially interesting it is that in 2002 the Red Green Alliance did a very good anti repression work from the early start of the preparations ot the EU Summit protests in December that year. Together with representatives from the Socialist People´s Party they acted as parliamentary shields when activists crossed the borders and at street actions constantly using the parliament as a tribune for the movement. The autonom or what also can be labelled libertarian leftist movement coming from the house occupation and anti fascists action networks used the opportunity for organizing a non-violent civil disobedience action at the Bella center. People dressed up in protective gear with some 700 supporters were able to push themselves into the Bella center area a little bit, a political statement was made and the political action dissolved without any escalation of violence. Thus the statements by formal Danish organizations that such a kind of non-violent action at a legislative assembly was impossible in Denmark without escalating into violence was false. It had been done before with a similar right wing government. and that time without governmental spokes persons inside welcoming the content and the form of the protest and full support from some global mass movements more than fully possible.

But not to the Danish formal left. It was not so that key organization did not know of the good experience from 2002. On the contrary. The organisation that arranged the action in 2002, Global Roots or Globale Rødder do not exist anymore. But many of the organisers of the action in 2002 are still politically very active. Quite a few are now employed at the parliamentary office of Red Green Alliance. Palle Dragsted, earlier international secretary of the party, now media secretary is one of them.

So how come than that the Red Green Alliance did not use the great opportunity to initiate broad protests together with many other Danish organizations and international networks on December 18 to free the climate prisoners and protest against mass arrests? The structural reason is simple. Since 2002 the party have drastically changed. Not on the surface but in the core of its way to act politically. In 2002 the party put a lot of energy including staff into be part of movement mobilisation. Now the same resources are instead put into media communication. Movements are interesting if they can deliver sound bites that the party can use occasionally in the parliament or in their press releases. It is not any longer of interest to be loyal to a movement and part of their daily struggle. Thus Red Green Alliance spokes persons can talk about in the media that it would be better if the police used the dialogue tactic which successfully was used to avoid escalation of repression in 2002, not to be self critical about the change of the way the party itself relates to movements in risk of getting repressed.

One of the actors in this change of the political culture of the Red Green Alliance are the organisers of the autonom non-violent action in 2002. Once they themselves were able to achieve a professional career in the party they seem to gladly abandon the solidarity character of the party that once helped them when they were movement activists and instead making the party more integrated to professional media and parliamentary arenas.

They are still able to mobilise. Many of the old global roots people have been behind the massive mobilisation against the deportation of the Iraqi refugees defending church asylum. But doing action during COP15 the old global roots activists saw as not useful as there were to many policemen to challenge. Rather contribute to such actions as Shut it down against the coal power plant in Copenhagen in September last year or actions after COP15 but not during was their mantra among them. They were quite a few, often male, half cynical, and always well informed about the latest thing to know for a radical belonging to a common culture in many different left wing organisations in Denmark. Interestingly this seems to include avoiding mobilisation against repression.

Thus what we see in Denmark is that all strands of the formally organised left wing are equally passive when it comes to strengthen the climate justice movement and the general struggle to protect democratic rights for everyone with the exception of individual activists in Klimax and Climate Collective and to some degree left wing youth organisations. Some of these youth organizations linked to political parties were as one could expect part of organising ad hoc protest at the Valby climate prison on December 12. But these left wing youth organisations were not organisers of the Valby hall mass meeting and seems in general be regarded by their parent parties as marginal youth phenomena not to be taken much seriously.

The different communist parties are mainly competing with each other. The trade unions whether social democratic or not are stretched between a perceived importance of good relationships with the government and the daily struggle against the further brutalisation of working conditions. They experience how their pickets against privatization of services are broken by the police with false promises of releasing an arrested picket leader. They criticized the hooligan law package as an attempt to repress all popular movements and non-violent actions, whether pickets, strikes or environmental protests and stated that they were expressions of a police state mentality. All social democratic and other trade unions in Copenhagen protested but the Social democrats seemed not impressed who supported the mass arrest of more than 900 innocent people to not talk about the government.

The Socialist People’s Party spokes person also supported the police and only after many protested withdraw the support somewhat for the police. The Red Green alliance with its two minority trotskyist fractions and a main stream that do not know what to do is at the moment not much of a party, more of a branding operation to support differing professional careers with the help of much volunteer work but little coherent strategy.

The autonom left is interestingly also very central in the lack of the support  against repression of the climate justice movement. The same kind of Danish mechanism that we saw in the case of the Communist party owning the daily Arbejderen and the construction workers union seems to be working also here although the arguments against direct action at Bella center are the opposite. We do not support the actions so we refuse also to protest against repression of the actions. The autonom left did to a great part avoid supporting action during COP15 due to an analysis based on the pragmatic idea that the police force was to strong to be able to win any substantial victory. As isolated in its Danish box as the rest of the left in Denmark to establish a discussion in solidarity with movements coming from abroad was uninteresting. To win a struggle in action was mainly seen in physical terms and numbers of participants, not political terms and ability to create new political horizons and alliances. Thus in their international contacts with their allies in other countries they put forward their scepticism including sharp criticism on how weakly CJA actions were prepared. Something they, with their sometimes longer experience, could have positively improved but chose not to. It was more interesting to be a clever observer than to intervene side by side with people from other countries coming and taking the risks these Danish autonom did not want to take. And as they did not support the actions they as many other Danish left wingers tend to avoid the immediate necessary strong anti repression response needed in December during COP15.

The result of the lack of leftwing support for mass mobilisation against repression of COP15 protests can be seen in such things as that Greenpeace activists in prison after a Gala dinner action get a very high degree of support and attention while the rest of the climate protesters get support to quite a large extent in falling degree due to if they have organisational backing or not. The massive mobilisation to support all repressed climate activists have lacked were it is needed most, in Denmark thanks to the lack of formal organisations supporting such a mass mobilisation.

Content

The COP15 promising ALBA mass meeting

The lost left wing opportunity

How the left supported the police against demonstrators in Copenhagen

Day by day reactions on repression December 12 to 18:

Saturday 12th of December - Come safely to peaceful demonstration

The left wing cover up

Sunday 13th of December – ”we were violently opposed”

Monday 14th of December – ”unfortunately too many arrests”

Tuesday 15th of December ”It does not belong in a democracy”

Wednesday 16th of December - “No soft feelings”

Thursday 17th of December – ”Eat breakfast with Morales”

Friday 18th of December – International networks demonstrate against Danish repression

Danish self-criticism

Why is the left promoting police perspectives?

Danish political claustrophobia

The way the Danish left assess Copenhagen

The paternalistic Red Green Alliance

Trotskyist climate heroes without guts

Non-parliamentary left: A Waterloo for activists, not a new Seattle

From anti neoliberal left to authoritarian state-media governance left

Other material:

12 December Initiative – huge success or background for branding?

Open letter on Denmark’s freedom and legal situation

The whole world on trial

The Fall of the Bella Wall: Power Reclaimed

System change – not climate change: Klimaforum declaration ready for Sign-On!

Tord Björk | Climate, Friends of the Earth, Klimaforum, Summits, Uncategorized, political culture | Friday, December 11th, 2009

Editing committee the decisive night in practice (for official participants, see Klimaforumwebsite) fromthe left to the right: Permaculture Institute of El Salvador - Juan N. Rojas (at times also translator and actively cooperating with committee menber Grupo de Reflexión Rural (ONG) - Inés Maria Aiuto, Argentina, Women’s Initiatives for Society, Culture, and Environment, Phillipines - Marlea P. Munez,Mathilde Kaalund-Jørgensen, Coordinator of the declaration process, Klimaforum09 Denmark, Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) - Irene Velez from Colombia,  People’s Movement on Climate Change (PMCC)/IBON - Paul Quintos fromthe Phillipines, Permakultur Danmark - Kirsten Gamst, Institute of Environment and Water, Kenya - Geoffrey Kimiti Mburu 

System change – not climate change: A People’s Declaration from Klimaforum09 is now ready for sign-on. You can sign -on via Klimaforum webbpage or if you find a box were you can put a piece of paper were you can submit your signitures. You can find a pdf file with the final declaration here: http://www.klimaforum09.org/Declaration

Mathilde, Declaration group coordinator and John Holten Andersen, board member of Klimaforum09 preparing the drafting room.

The declaration work started when all committee members and Danish Klimaforum board members were carrying chairs and tables to make it possible to use an empty room in an old meat process factory at the Pork Square in an odd corner of the meat town at some distance from Klimaforum main venue.

Morten Hansson, Attac Denmark and Klimaforum board member as well as trouble shooter taking care of any problem, here carrying chairs for the drafting room. There has been problem for many international organizations to understand the realities of Danish political culture and how Danish organizations and actvism looks like. Klimaforum have some 6 people paid in the staff, the rest is volunteer work by 27 very small organizations that all have to carry out their own activities during COP15 as well. The big NGOs have chosen to put all their energy into lobbying inside the Bella Center instead or as the Conservation society with a total number of members equal to every tenth Danish inhabitant (ca.half a million members) to organize a big mass activity as a fair to promote ecological business and local initiatives 3-6/12. Attac Denmark have 200 members and in total 4 are active to prepare Attac activities during COP15 including taking a main reponsibility for carrying out Klimaforum. Besides doing the Attac Denmark activities and helping out with any Klimaforum responsibilities the four Attac Denmark members also have to take care of 500 visiting Attac Members from the rest of the world including lodging, social events, demonstration preparations and whatever there is. Attac Denark is furthermore the only Danish formal organization so far which is not a loose activist network that has decided to support the Recalim Power Climate Justice action on December 16. 

Intertwined with the introduction and the declaration you find photos of the editing group while working with the final draft before it should be adopted.

In the meat factory

A new song about writing declarations:

Last night I had, the strangest dream, I never dreamt before. I dreamt there was and end to all drafts, and I could sleep much more. I dreamt about a huge big hall were all could sit and eat, and nowhere was that ugly food they call the bloody meat.

Apart from photos you will find below a comparisment between the first and the final declaration. The summary did not exist in the first draft, the rest are shown here with the paragraphs put together so that the first paragraph in the final declaration is followed by the fist paragraph of the first draft, etc.

It was about half past three when the editing committee could start their work to prepare the last draft before adopting the Klimaforum declaration. The first draft was presented by the editing committee November 15. The second draft some day before the Klimaforum and COP15 started. Now it was time for the third draft and it was yesterday they started working on it, December 9. I was there to help out if needed and had the time to document the drafters while they were working.


 

Finally the adoptation of the System Change - not climate change declaration could be carried out at a plenary between 10 and 12 o’clock, extended for one hour.

Editing committee discussing in plenary with the opposition on the need for a stronger and more democratic UN, a proposal that finally made it into both COP15 demands, the preamble and the summary

Here is the text were minor linguistic corrections still may be necessary:

  • System change – not climate change

A People’s Declaration from Klimaforum09

SUMMARY

There are solutions to the climate crisis. What people and the planet need is a just and sustainable
transition of our societies to a form that will ensure the rights of life and dignity of all peoples and deliver a more fertile planet and more fulfilling lives to future generations.

We, participating peoples, communities and all organizations at the Klimaforum09 in Copenhagen, call
upon every person, organization, government and institutions, including the United Nations (UN), to
contribute to this necessary transition. It will be a challenging task. The crisis of today has economic,
social, environmental, geopolitical, and ideological aspects interacting with and enforcing each other as
well as the climate crisis. For this reason, we call for urgent climate action:

A complete abandoning of fossil fuels within the next 30 years, which must include specific
milestones for every 5-year period. We demand an immediate cut in GHG of industrialized
countries of at least 40% compared to 1990 levels by 2020.

Recognition, payment and compensation of climate debt for the overconsumption of
atmospheric space and adverse effects of climate change on all affected groups and people.

Rejection to purely market-oriented and technology-centred false and dangerous solutions
such as nuclear energy, agro-fuels, carbon capture and storage, Clean Development Mechanisms,
biochar, genetically “climate-readied” crops, geo-engineering and reducing emissions from
deforestation and forest degradation (REDD), which deepens social and environmental conflicts.

Real solutions to climate crisis based on safe, clean, renewable and sustainable use of natural
resources, as well as transitions to food, energy, land and water sovereignty.

Therefore, we demand of COP15 to reach an agreement that will initiate the restoration of the
environmental, social and economic balance of planet Earth by means that are environmentally, socially
and economically sustainable and equitable, and finally come up with a legally binding treaty.

The adverse impacts of human-induced climate change cause gross violations of human rights. The
nations have an obligation to cooperate internationally to ensure respect for human rights everywhere in the world according to the Charter of the United Nations. Any specific agreement on climate change must be seen in the broader context of achieving a sustainable transition of our societies.

We, participating people and organisations at Klimaforum09, commit to continue our full and active
engagement in promoting such a transition, which will require a fundamental change in social, political
and economic structures and a rectification of gender, class, race, generation, ethnic inequalities and
injustices.
This requires restoration of democratic sovereignty of our local communities as a basic social, political and economic unit. Local and democratic ownership and control over and access to natural resources will be the basis for meaningful and sustainable development of communities, and simultaneously reduce
greenhouse gas emissions. There is also the need for stronger regional and international cooperative
arrangements to manage common and shared resources, and a stronger and democratic UN.
We call upon every concerned person, social movement, cultural, political or economic organisation to
join us in building a strong global movement of movements, which can bring forward peoples’ visions and emands on every level of society. Together, we can make global transitions to sustainable futures.

The declaration, final version

System change – not climate change
A People’s Declaration from Klimaforum09

1. Preamble

There are solutions to the climate crisis. What people and the planet need is a just and sustainable
transition of our societies to a form that will ensure the rights of life and dignity of all people and deliver amore fertile planet and more fulfilling lives to present and future generations. A transition based on
democratic principles of solidarity, especially for the most vulnerable, non-discrimination, gender equality,
equity, and sustainability, acknowledging that we are part of nature, which we love and respect. To address
the climate crisis, however, awareness creation and determined actions adhering to a rights-based
framework are required. The nations have an obligation to cooperate internationally to ensure respect for
human rights everywhere in the world according to the Charter of the United Nations.
We, participating peoples, communities and all organizations at the Klimaforum09 in Copenhagen, call
upon every person, organization, government and institution, including the United Nations (UN), to
contribute to this necessary transition. It will be a challenging task. The crisis of today has economic,
social, environmental, geopolitical, and ideological aspects interacting with and enforcing each other as
well as the climate crisis. This very moment of conjunction of crises — climate-, energy-, financial-, food and water crisis, among others, urges us to unite and transform the dominant social and economic system
as well as global governance, which blocks necessary solutions to the climate crisis. For this reason, a
movement from below is called upon to act now.
Environmental and climate debts must be paid. No false, dangerous and short-term solutions should be
promoted and adopted, such as nuclear power, agro-fuels, offsetting, carbon capture and storage (CCS),
biochar, geo-engineering, and carbon trading. Instead we should implement a truly sustainable transition
built on clean, safe and renewable resources and energy conservation. We welcome alliances across social
movements and sectors, representing all ages, genders, ethnicities, faiths, communities and nationalities.
We want to take the future into our own hands by building a strong and popular movement of youth,
women, men, workers, peasants, fisher folks, indigenous peoples, people of colour, urban, and rural social
groups which is able to act on all levels of society to deal with environmental degradation and climate
change. We call for a new international economic order and support a strong and democratic UN as
opposed to G8, G20 or other closed groups of powerful countries.

The 1st draft

System change – not climate change
A People’s Declaration from Klimaforum09

1. Preamble

There is a solution to climate change. What people and the planet need is a just and sustainable transition of our societies to a form that will deliver a more fertile planet and more fulfilling lives to future generations.

We, participating people and organisations at the Klimaforum09 in Copenhagen, call upon every concerned person, social movement, cultural, political, economic or other forms of organization to contribute to this necessary transition. It will not be an easy task. The climate challenge is indivisibly linked to other critical ecological problems as well as to complex social issues. There are no real solutions unless both social justice and ecological awareness are taken into account. It is essential to recognize that both of these issues are loaded with conflicts: On the one hand a conflict between the rich and the poor, which is only emphasized by the environmental debt, which the former owes to the latter. On the other hand a conflict exists between false solutions, like nuclear power, bio-fuels, CCS and carbon trading, and a truly sustainable transition based on renewable resources.

We welcome alliances across the divide between different movements, representing all kinds of age, gender, ethnicity, beliefs and trades as well as like-minded municipal and national governments. We want to take the future in our own hands by building a strong and popular movement of movements of men, women, youth, workers, peasants, fisher folk, indigenous peoples, urban, and rural social groups which is able to act on all levels of society to deal with environmental degradation and climate change.

As outlined in the political platform of Klimaforum09, we demand and will contribute to sustainable solutions that

1. prioritise energy saving,
2. promote the use of safe, clean, renewable energy,
3. reduce greenhouse gas emissions and as such do not promote or cement the use of fossil fuels,
4. are built on agricultural methods that fix carbon in the soil and reduce the use of synthetic fertilisers and pesticides by sustainable farming and peoples’ food sovereignty and not market-based solutions for mitigation and adaptation of agriculture to climate change.
5. secure sustainable use of as well as equitable and just access to resources of the earth, including huge financial and technological transfers from North to South, based on the repayment of climate and environmental debts and subject to democratic control.
6. radically reduce wasteful consumption, first and foremost in the North, but also by Southern elites.
7. bring social change in the control of the means of production that promote a sustainable transition.
8. enforce indigenous land rights and promotes peoples’ sovereignty over energy, forests, land and water.

We declare:

this is how we see the climate challenge
this is the direction in which we will move
this is the road to sustainable transition

 

While some are working, others takes a rest

The declaration, final version

2. The challenge, as we see it:
The concentration of greenhouse gasses (GHGs) in the atmosphere is already so high, that the climate
system has been brought out of balance. The CO2 concentration and global temperatures have increased
more rapidly in the last 50 years and will rise even faster in the coming decades. This adds to a multitude
of other serious ecological imbalances, the impacts of which threatens the lives and livelihoods of the
people of the world, most acutely, the impoverished people and other vulnerable groups.

The imbalance of the climate system leads to greater and more frequent extremes of heat and rainfall
patterns, tropical cyclones, hurricanes and typhoons, extreme flooding and droughts, loss of biodiversity,
landslides, rising sea levels, shortage of drinking water, shorter growing seasons, lower yields, lost or
deteriorated agricultural land, decreased agricultural production, losses of livestock, extinction of especially in the North rather than for local basic needs. The same can be said about modern industrial
fisheries, intensive forestry and mining which destroys ecosystems, diminishes biodiversity and destroys
the life and livelihoods of local communities.
These effects of climate change together with growing social inequalities and severe impacts on our
common environment are already devastating the lives of millions of people as well as their local
communities. However, we – the people -are not prepared to accept this fact as our fate. That is why there
are fast growing popular movements determined to defend their livelihoods and stand up against those
forces and causes, which have led us on to this ultimately suicidal route of environmental destruction.
In Asia, Africa, Middle East, Oceania and South and Central America as well as the periphery of North
America and Europe popular movements are rising to confront the exploitation of their land by foreign
interests and to regain control over their own resources. A new type of activism has revitalized the
environmental movements, leading to a wide variety of protests and actions against mining, big dams,
deforestation, coal fired plants, air travel and the building of new roads among others. There is a growing
awareness about the need to change the present economic paradigm in a very fundamental way. Among
various movements, alternative ways of life are proliferating. At the same time it is becoming evident to
the public that the present holders of power are unwilling to face and deal with the threats of climate
change and environmental degradation. The so-called strategy of ‘green growth’ or ‘sustainable growth’
has turned out to be an excuse for pursuing the same basic model of economic development, that is one
of the root causes of environmental destruction and the climate crisis.

 

1st draft

2. People are rising to the threat of climate change

All over the world the effects of climate change is becoming more and more evident. Together with growing social inequalities and many other severe impacts on our common environment, it is already now severely threatening the lives of millions of people as well as their local communities. However people are not prepared just to accept this fact as their fate and therefore we are also witnessing a fast growing popular movement of climate activism, that is resolved to defend life hoods and stand up against those forces and causes, that have led us on to this deadly route of environmental destruction.

In Asia, Africa, Oceania and South and Central America popular movements are rising to confront the exploitation of their land by foreign interests and to regain control over their own resources. A good case in point is Bolivia, where an alliance of workers, peasants and indigenous people for many years have struggled for their rights to land, water and natural resources. With the victory of the popular movement and the instalment of a new government the people of Bolivia now have the opportunity to regain control over their own land and natural resources to the benefit of both the environment and the people.

Generally it seems that the unity of social and environmental movements have been most successful in the south, while the situation in the north is still very much characterized by a fragmentation of interests and agendas. However within the last couple of years the dire prospects of climate change appear to have opened the eyes of more and more people, also in the North. As a result a new type of activism has revitalized the environmental movements, leading to a wide variety of protests and actions against mining, big damns, deforestation, coal fired plants, the air traffic or the erection of new motor roads. There is also a growing awareness about the need to change the present economic growth paradigm in a very fundamental way and among various movements concrete experiments with alternative ways of life are proliferating. At the same time it is becoming evident to still larger groups of the public, that the present mainstream policies to combat climate change are basically hypocritical and untrustworthy. The so called strategy of ‘green growth’ or ‘sustainable growth’ has turned out to be an excuse for pursuing the same basic model of economic development, that is the root cause of environmental destruction and climate crisis. More and more people all over the world have come to the conclusion that the present holders of global power are unwilling and unable to face and deal with the threats of climate change and environmental degradation.

The declaration, final version

3. The causes, as we see them:
The immediate and primary cause of human-induced climate change is an unprecedented emission of
greenhouse gasses (GHGs) into the atmosphere originating from the increasing burning of fossil fuels
from industry, commerce, transport and military purposes, to mention a few but significant sources. Other
important drivers of climate change are deforestation, extractive industries, forest degradation — excluding
indigenous people’s sustainable practice of shifting cultivations — disturbance of water cycle, expanding
areas through land grabbing for industrial agriculture, increased industrial meat-production and other
types of unsustainable use of natural resources.

Uneven control and ownership over resources

These immediate causes are the results of an unsustainable global economic system built on unequal
access to and control over the planet’s limited resources and the benefits that accrue from their use. This
system is premised on the appropriation of local, national and planetary commons by local and global
elites. What has been praised as great strides in technology, production and human progress has in fact
precipitated global ecological and development disasters. Still, a privileged global elite engages in reckless
profit-driven production and grossly excessive consumption while a very large proportion of humanity is
mired in poverty with merely survival and subsistence consumption, or even less. This is the situation not
only in countries of the South but also in the North. The world’s largest transnational corporations
(TNCs) based mainly in the northern countries and tax-havens, but with expanding operations, have long
been at the forefront of these excesses.
The competition among global corporations and rich nations for resources and greater market shares, as
well as trade agreements and treaties, have led to a neo-colonial suppression of southern peoples, denying
them rightful ownership and control of their resources. The World Trade Organization (WTO) and
international financial institutions, as well as the European Union (EU) and United States (US) using
bilateral trade agreements, are increasing the privatization and commoditization of public resources,
intensifying the plunder of natural resources of underdeveloped countries and imposing conditions that
increase their dependence.
Prevailing patterns of thought and alternatives

The development model promoted by these institutions is not only a question of ‘economics’. The
prevailing economic paradigm is strongly related to the system of thought, which is based on an
imagination of the human being as ‘economic man’. This ideology is reinforced by corporate media and
marketing firms which promote egoism, competition, material consumption and boundless accumulation
of private wealth in utter disregard of the social and ecological consequences of such behaviour. This
system of thought is intimately intertwined with patterns of patriarchy and paternalism.
If we really want to address this crisis, we need to recognize that the human species is part of both nature
and society and cannot exist without either. Therefore if humanity is to survive, we need to respect the
integrity of Mother Earth and strive for harmony with nature and for peace within and between cultures.
We are at once citizens of different nations and of one world. Everyone shares responsibility for the
present and future well-being of the human family and the larger living world. The spirit of human
solidarity and kinship with all life is strengthened when we live according to the principle of ‘One among
many’.

1st draft

3. The challenge, as we see it:

The CO2 concentration in the atmosphere is all ready so high, that the climate system is brought out of balance. The global temperatures have increased twice as fast in the last 50 years as over the last century and will rise even faster in the coming decades. This adds to a multitude of other serious ecological imbalances, the impact of which threatens the lives and livelihoods of the people of the world, and most acutely of the impoverished poor.

The imbalance of the climate system leads to greater and more frequent extremes of heat and rainfall patterns, tropical cyclones, hurricanes and typhoons, extreme flooding and droughts, reduced biodiversity, landslides and avalanches, rising sea levels brings shortage of drinking water, shorter growing seasons, lower yields, lost or deteriorated agricultural land, decreased agricultural production, extinction of marine ecosystems, diminished fish stocks, resulting in famine, illness, death, disruption of communities and extinction of indigenous forms of life.

A good case in point is the recent situation in East Africa. Beginning around the turn of the century the region has witnessed a serious period of drought, lasting for almost 5 years. This led to a massive loss of livestock and created a serious food crisis for more than eight million people. Having only just recovered from this drought, the region is now witnessing an entirely opposite extreme, namely the onset of El Nino Rains, which has triggered widespread flooding that has destroyed homes, harvest, roads etc. Huge numbers of people have been displaced over night and there have been many casualties. Environmentally the Climate Change is as real as daily light to many small-scale farmers. The rainy cycle is delayed, unpredictable and has shortened in time length. The agricultural land is in a state of infertility due to heavy erosion facing a deep degradation; the traditional way of farming has been forgotten by the modern farmers adding more difficulties towards the replenishing of the soil.

Adding to the effects of climate change, intensive and industrial systems of agriculture, expanding at the expense of sustainable small-scale agriculture, create severe erosion, polluted aquifers and seriously diminished biodiversity. This agro-export model turns the green land into absolute deserts. Millions of hectares of monoculture of soybeans and biotech cotton, sugar cane, trees, palm oil and other raw materials are produced to meet global demand for animal feed, fibre, energy, cellulose, wood, and to a lesser extent, food. Overfishing by modern industrial fishing boats threaten the stocks of fish in all oceans, thereby destroying the economic foundation of many local and sustainable fishing communities. Modern industrial forestry diminishes the biodiversity of important ecosystems, destroying the life and livelihoods of many indigenous people. Industrial mining is poisoning the environment, especially in the south. The waste generated by excessive consumption especially in the north is sent back to the south, where it poisons the environment once more.

4. The causes, as we see them:

The immediate and primary cause of man-made climate change is an unprecedented emission of greenhouse gasses in the atmosphere originating from ever-mounting burning of fossil fuels for industry, commerce, transport as well as military purposes to mention a few, but prevalent origins. Secondly deforestation, forest degradation, expanding areas of agriculture for cash crops for export, increased meat-production and other types of unsustainable use of natural resources are important drivers of climate change.

Uneven control and ownership over resources

It is however important to recognize that these immediate causes are the results of an unsustainable global economic system built on the unequal access to and control over the planet’s limited resources and the benefits that accrue from their use. This system is premised on the appropriation of local, national and planetary commons by local and global elites. What has been praised as great strides in technology, production and human progress – has in fact to a large extent precipitated global ecological and development disasters. On the one hand a privileged global elite engages in reckless profit-driven production and grossly excessive consumption. On the other hand, a very large proportion of humanity is mired in poverty with merely survival and subsistence consumption, or even less. The world’s largest transnational corporations (TNCs) based mainly in the Northern countries, but with expanding operations in the South, have long been at the forefront of these excesses. Indeed the powerful industrialized nations of today were built on the severe exploitation of the human and natural resources of the global South.

The competition among global corporations and rich nations for resources and greater market shares have in present times led to a neo-colonial subjugation of Southern peoples, denying them rightful ownership and control of their resources. This has transformed the economies away from diversified and self-reliant systems. The race for corporate profits and growth-guided economic decisions has resulted in overproduction and over-consumption for a minority, which has put unprecedented strains on the planet’s resources and absorptive capacity for waste. Alongside the increased burning of fossil fuels and destruction of terrestrial and aquatic resources from mineral extraction, export manufacturing, industrial agriculture, and global transportation, this process is marked by the aggressive privatization and commoditisation of public resources, the dislocation of local communities and livelihoods, unequal trade relations, and the massive appropriation of social and natural wealth by elites in the North as well as parts of the South.

Prevailing economic and political paradigm and norms

At the core of this present development model is the pursuit of growth and profit promoting exploitation, structural poverty, environmental degradation and global warming. This development model is however not only a question of ‘economics’ – in the narrow sense of this term. The prevailing economic paradigm is strongly related to the prevailing political paradigm, which again is founded on prevailing cultural norms and values with deep roots in the history of especially the West. Intertwined with patterns of patriarchy and paternalism this model has been exported to the rest of the world.

What is at stake is a system of thought, which is based on an image of the human being as ‘economic man’. He is a subject without ties, a rational, utilitarian individualist, oriented towards maximising his own interests and increasing his own wealth. He is a subject immersed in an environment, which is seen as a world of mere ‘objects’, from which he is thoroughly detached and alienated. This rational ‘economic man’ is the master of nature, yet, he has no feeling for and therefore do not know, what nature is really about.

It is this very mentality, so deeply rooted especially in western thought, which has provided us with many of the great technological revolutions, on which much of our present wealth is grounded. However, it is this very same pattern of thought, which has also led us into the present unprecedented ecological crisis. If we really want to address this crisis, we need to find a way out of this intrinsic conflict between the technological mastering of nature and the respect for the integrity of mother Earth. This requires a thorough rethinking of the whole paradigm of development, which is so dominant today.

In this endeavour we may find much inspiration from indigenous peoples, who have a far more holistic vision of mans relation to nature, involving, amongst other things, a cyclical understanding of time and space. A good case in point is the cultural heritage of the Mesoamerican region. Here the ancestral legacy made of Maya, Pipil, Lenca and other indigenous peoples has provided the new generation of environmentalist with a new world view, which has been an important source of inspiration.

Current political negotiations are not intended to change anything in respect to the actual standard of living of the western societies and the economic system. The climate problems are getting worse day by day and if there is not going to be a radical and urgent change in our behaviour, it will not be possible to mitigate its effects of climate change.

The declaration, final version

4. A just and sustainable transition

It is clear that solving the climate crisis requires far-reaching transformations, which are currently
excluded from the agenda of policy-makers in governments and multilateral institutions. People are
calling for system change, not “business-as-usual” and the uncritical use of technology- and marketfixes
along which powerful interests have set and confined the climate agenda.

People’s movements are not lacking alternative visions for society and concrete steps that must be
taken in order to move towards a sustainable future while addressing the climate, water, food and
economic crises at the same time. Such a sustainable transition will begin by many different
initiatives. Some of these steps towards sustainable transition are:

Food sovereignty and ecological agriculture: Uphold the rights of people,
communities, and countries to determine their own systems of production including
farming, fishing, food, forestry and land policies, which are ecologically, socially,
economically and culturally appropriate to the circumstances. People’s, especially women´s
access to and control over productive resources such as land, seeds and water must be
respected and guaranteed. Agricultural production must rely principally on local
knowledge, appropriate technology and ecologically sustainable techniques that bind CO2
in the diverse and native plant systems, bind water and return more nutrients to the soil,
than was taken out. Food and agricultural production must be primarily geared towards
meeting local needs, encourage self-sufficiency, promote local employment, and minimize
resource use, waste and GHG emissions in the process.
Democratic ownership and control of economy: The reorganization of society’s
productive units around more democratic forms of ownership and management, in order
to meet people’s basic needs such as employment-creation, access to water, housing, land,
health care and education, food sovereignty, and ecological sustainability. Public policy
must make sure that the financial system serves public interests and channel resources for
the sustainable transformation of industry, agriculture and services.
Energy sovereignty: A dramatic reduction of energy consumption especially in the
unjustly enriched countries combined with a blend of renewable and public energy sources
such as solar, wind, geothermal, mini-hydro, wave and the development of off-the-grid
electricity distribution to secure energy supplies to communities, and public ownership for
the grid.
Ecological planning of urban and rural zones: The aim is a radical reduction in the
inputs of energy and resources and the outputs of waste and pollution while encouraging
locally based supply of basic needs of the citizens. An urban and rural planning built on
social justice and equal service to all reducing the need for transport. Promoting public
transport systems such as light and high-speed rail-systems and bicycles reducing the need
for private motor vehicles thus decongesting the roads, improving health and reducing
energy consumption.
Education, science and cultural institutions: Re-orientate public research and
education to meet the needs of people and the environment, rather than the present bias for developing commercially profitable and proprietary technologies. Research and
development should be primarily an open and collaborative endeavour in the common
interest of humankind, and eliminate patents on ideas and technology. Fair and just
exchange of appropriate technologies, traditional knowledge and indigenous innovative
practices, and ideas between countries should be encouraged.
End to militarism and wars: The present fossil fuel based development model leads to
violence, war and military conflict over control of energy, land, water and other natural
resources. This is demonstrated by the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq and
Afghanistan, militarization in across in the globe in regions rich on fossil fuels and other
natural resources. Peasants and indigenous communities are also being violently displaced
from their lands to make way for agrofuel plantations. Trillions of dollars are spent on the
military-industrial complex, wasting enormous material and human resources, which
should instead be devoted to implementing a sustainable transition.

By taking steps forward we can learn by doing. These steps will help us to convince the broad
majority of people, that a sustainable transition entails the promise of a more fulfilling and good life.
The social, political, economic and environmental fields are closely interrelated. A coherent strategy
must therefore address them all, which indeed is the central idea behind the concept of sustainable
transition.

One aspect of this concept is the restoration of local communities rather than the global market as a
basic social, political and economic unit. Social cohesion, democratic participation, economic
accountability and ecological responsibility can only be accomplished by restoring decision-making
at the lowest appropriate level. This is a basic lesson we have learned from ethnic cultures and local
communities.

A community-based approach does not however contradict the need for extensive international
cooperation. On the contrary, it will need stronger alliances within and across all borders between
direct producers in agriculture, forestry, fisheries and industry. Alliances also built on the strength of
gender equality and on recognizing and overcoming unjust power relations at all levels. It also
includes the need for stronger regional and international cooperative arrangements to manage
common and shared resources such as cross boarder water resources. Furthermore, international
cooperation will promote the full mutual exchange of ideas, technologies and expertise across all
boundaries as well as engage in an open-minded dialogue between different cultures based on
mutual respect.

1st draft (as paragraph 3 and 4 were merged in the final draft paragraph 5 in the 1st draft becomes paragraph 4 and the final version)

5. A sustainable transition

What is needed is a fundamental change of direction, a true transition towards a sustainable relation between peoples and nature, which is unthinkable without a similar transition of the social relations between people. Not a new ‘green deal’ or a new ‘green growth’ strategy which is to continue on basically the same unsustainable track as before.

A shift of paradigm

We cannot hope for a sustainable transition unless we manage to convince the broad majority of people, that it entails the promise of a more fulfilling and a more secure life- not for the rich, perhaps, but indeed for the many.

There are ample evidences that the present global growth-economy not only destroys our environment and natural resources but also creates extreme poverty especially for people, who are depending on these resources for their communities, homes, jobs and basic needs. At the same time in the poor as well as in the richer part of the world, the prevailing growth paradigm is undermining the fabric of public institutions, the coherence of whole societies and even the democratic participation of people and popular movements.

The present paradigm is not only undermining our communities and social institutions, but is also invalidating more and more people on the personal level. Man is not an individual “ego”, as the prevailing neo-liberal ideology wants us to believe. However the systematic weakening of communities, social institutions and democratic movements has the effect of isolating people from each other, thereby promoting hostility between various segments of society. The promotion of the individual consumer as the main ideal in the present development model is the promotion of a restless and distressed person. Instead we should encourage individuals to become real human beings by adopting the attitude of “One among Many”, and thereby become engaged in their local community and the environment on which it depends.

The concept of sustainable transition

All these social, political, economic and ecological issues are closely interrelated. A coherent strategy must therefore address them all, which indeed is the central idea behind the concept of sustainable transition.

The cornerstone of this concept is the restoration of the local community rather than the global market as the basic social, political and economic unit. Social cohesion, democratic participation, economic accountability and ecological responsibility can only be accomplished by taking power back from the global to the national and local level. This is the basic lesson that we have learnt from decades of market driven globalisation. This is the crucial political premise without which a true sustainable transition is unthinkable. Such a community-based approach will however need a stronger regional, international and global cooperative arrangement to manage common and shared resources and to solve conflicts in their use.

It is within the framework of a local political setting, that it is most likely to engage people in the difficult tasks of restructuring the whole system of production and consumption in a sustainable way. The perspective of this ecological restructuring is to achieve an economy that operates within the conditions and boundaries set by the local environment. The transition to organic farming and renewable energy are important steps in this direction, but a true sustainable transition must involve all the other sectors of the economy as well: Industry, construction, transportation, public infrastructure, consumption etc.

Such a transition of the entire economy implies a dramatic reduction in the use of natural resources, especially non-renewable fossil energy resources. On the other hand such an ecological economy will need many more skilled workers and crafted hands, than the energy- and resource intensive economy of today. An economy based on primarily local resources, must use these resources in an intelligent and efficient way, implying among other things high quality and long lives of durable goods and a high focus on repair and reuse. All this will require many more caring hands, than is the case today.

A summary of our concrete visions:

• Sustainable farming, forestry and fishery: diversified and ecologically sound agricultural food production that relies principally on local knowledge, appropriate technology and ecologically sustainable techniques that bind CO2, gather water and return more energy to the soil, than was taken out. Immediate global ban on deforestation and the parallel initiation of an ambitious global tree-planting program based on native and diverse species in partnership with indigenous peoples and forest dependent communities. Similarly a ban on industrialized fishing and an immediate return to local and sustainable fishing practices. Sustainable and local peasant production is, in fact, cooling the earth. Peasant agriculture allows carbon sequestration in soil and requires less fossil fuel-driven machinery and chemical inputs.
• Self-sufficiency: prioritization of self-sufficiency by diversifying industrial production, creating rural employment and meeting the demands of domestic industries and households and local consumption over international trade and export markets and thus increasing public welfare and sustaining livelihoods while minimizing energy, resource use and waste in the process
• Renewable energy and energy savings: increase in energy saving and reliance on a blend of renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, geothermal, mini-hydro, wave and the development of off-the-grid electricity distribution to secure energy supply to communities
• Public transportation systems such as light and high-speed rail-systems and bicycles away from resource-inefficient private motor vehicles thus decongesting the roads, improving health and reducing waste and carbon emission in the process.
• Reduction of physical inputs to the production, by progressively minimizing inputs of energy and raw materials, and at the same time expanding repair, reuse and recycling of waste products back into production cycle. While reducing physical inputs this transformation of production will at the same time involve many more skilled hands.
• Collective control and broader social objectives: egalitarian and cooperative land tenure and land use systems, that ensure the collective control and ecologically sound use of land, water, forest and marine resources by farmers, fishing and local communities. The reorganization of society’s productive units around more public, cooperative and community-based forms of ownership and management, in order to meet social needs and achieving other broader social objectives such as employment, health, education, food security, and ecological sustainability.
• Planning and management of enterprises and production sectors, that are based locally and act in the service of the community and the environment, thereby ensuring that production responds to social needs rather than create new, artificial and unsustainable wants; ensure that production proceeds within ecologically sustainable limits and other social standards.
• Public control of finance: All this requires an end to financial speculation and the neo-liberal doctrine of “free” markets. We need instead a politically controlled direction of financial resources into investments in renewable energy, energy-efficient public transport, insulation of houses and an ecological transformation of agriculture, forestry, fishery and industry.
• Public education and cultural institutions that reclaim people’s aspirations lost to consumerism, and instil ideals that value community, solidarity, individual and cultural diversity and respect for nature. This implies also a reorientation of public research and development to meet the needs of people and the environment, rather than the present focus on commercially profitable and proprietary technologies. All research and development should be an open and collaborative endeavour in the common interest of mankind, and patents on new ideas should be prohibited.
• Greater balance and equity in economic and political relations between nations through the equitable reallocation of global resources, the compensation of past economic disparities between nations and the reversal of all northward flows of Southern wealth through unfair trade, debt and investment transactions.
• Popular movement alliances for a constructive program to achieve sustainable transition of industry, land and water use built upon social changes in the control of the means of production promoting economic democracy.

The declaration, final version

5. Paths to transition

Many people are involved in the practical creation of more sustainable industry, agriculture, forestry,
and fishery as well as in the renewable energy sector. These initiatives within the system have
furthermore created alliances with other sectors of society, trade unions, consumers, city dwellers,
teachers, researchers all of whom are striving towards sustainable ways of life.

United Nations (UN) and Conference of Parties (COP)

We need to address the UN negotiations on Climate Change, and the 15th Conference of Parties (COP15)
on the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The lessons from previous rounds of
negotiations are not very promising. Despite the high-profile schemes for concerted action launched first
in the 1992 Framework Convention on Climate Change of Rio de Janeiro and later in the 1997 Kyotoprotocol,
results are meagre and the problems have not been solved. Indeed, it has worsened as the
principles, targets and the timelines of both the Convention and the Protocol have made little headway.
The same big corporate interests, that are largely responsible for causing the climate crisis, appear to have
immense influence on climate policies at the national and global level. We strongly oppose this
undemocratic influence of corporate lobbyism in the current COP-negotiations. Contrary to this, we call
on states to put in place an appraisal mechanism for all policies and policy instruments under the
UNFCCC, to ensure inclusive and deliberative multi-stakeholder processes that repair existing inequalities
whether based on gender, colour, age, disability or other forms of discrimination in the COP-negotiations.
We demand of COP15 to reach an agreement that will initiate the restoration of the environmental, social
and economic balance of planet Earth by means that are environmentally, socially and economically
sustainable and equitable, and finally come up with a legally binding treaty.

Our demands

We are raising our voices to the leaders in the UNFCCC to put forward the people’s demands and
alternatives.

1. Phasing out fossil fuel: We call for a clear strategy for dismantling the fossil fuel era within
the next 30 years, which must include specific milestones for every 5-year period. We
demand an immediate cut in GHG emissions of industrialized countries of at least 40%
compared 1990 levels by 2020.

2. Reparations and compensation for Climate Debt and crimes: We demand full
reparations for southern countries and those impoverished by northern states, TNCs, and
tax-haven institutions. By this, we partly address historical injustices associated to
inequitable industrialization and climate change, originating in the genocide of indigenous
nations, transatlantic slave trade, colonial era and invasions. This must be accompanied by
an equally clear strategy for compensating impoverished people for the climate and broader
ecological debt owed by the enriched. A global and democratic fund should be established
to give direct support to the victims of climate change. Developed countries must provide
new, mandatory, adequate, and reliable financing and patent-free technologies to better
adapt to adverse climate impacts and undertake emission reductions. This would allow
developing countries to play their part in curbing climate change, while still meeting the
needs and aspirations of their people. International Financial Institutions, donor agencies
and trade mechanisms should have no part in reparations.

3. An immediate global ban on deforestation of primary forests and the parallel initiation
of an ambitious global tree-planting program based on native and diverse species in
partnership with indigenous peoples and forest dependent communities. Similarly a ban on
large-scale industrialized fishing methods and a return to primarily local and sustainable
fishing practices. Finally, a ban on land grabbing by foreign interests and the full acceptance
of people’s sovereignty over natural resources.

4. We express strong opposition to purely market-oriented and technology-centred false
and dangerous solutions put forward by many corporations, governments, and international
financial institutions. These include nuclear energy, agro-fuels, carbon capture and storage,
Clean Development Mechanisms, biochar, genetically “climate-readied” crops, geoengineering
and reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation as it is the
UNFCCC definition (REDD), which only produce new environmental threats, without
really solving the climate crisis. Carbon trading and offsetting are also false and unjust
instruments because they treat a common planetary resource – the atmosphere – as a
commodity that can be owned and traded. So far the system has not proven its merits, and
by allowing rich countries to offset their reduction obligations, it has maintained this unjust
and unsustainable system.

5. Equitable tax on carbon emissions: Instead of the regime of tradable emission quotas we
demand an equitable tax on carbon emissions. Revenues from this carbon tax should be
returned equitably to people, and a portion should be used to compensate and contribute to
finance adaptation and mitigation. This is, however, not a substitute for repayment of
already accumulated climate debt. This compensation and funding should be unconditional
and free of market mechanisms and financial institutions. Reduction of emissions must be
strongly encouraged by a briskly-increasing, transparent carbon tax, in addition to direct
regulations to drive the phase-out of fossil fuels, while enabling safe, clean and renewable
energy.

6. Multilateral institutions and TNCs: Unjust, unsustainable and unaccountable global
economic and financial institutions like the WTO, the World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), regional development banks, donor institutions and trade
agreements should be replaced by democratic and equitable institutions functioning in
accordance with the United Nations Charter, that respect people’s sovereignty over
resources, and promote solidarity between people and nations. A mechanism for strict
surveillance and control of the operations of TNCs should be created as well.

Finally, we commit ourselves to a full and active involvement in carrying our sustainable transitions
of our societies along the lines put forward in this Declaration.

1st draft

6. Roads to transition

Present power holders will not promote the type of sustainable transition outlined above. The drivers of such a transition will have to be social and environmental movements, who work at the local, national and transnational levels in an alliance with like minded political, economical and cultural organizations.

Despite the fact that the present power structures strongly favours unsustainable patterns of production and consumption it nevertheless is possible to embark on the road of sustainable transition even within the existing political and economical setting, while at the same time pressing for urgent reforms of the present system. And in fact, this is what many people are already doing all around the world. People are not only protesting against the present regime but are also on many levels actively engaged in trying to realize more sustainable ways of organising their lives and communities.

Many people are involved in the practical creation of more sustainable industry, agriculture, forestry, fishery as well as renewable energy sector. These initiatives within the production system have furthermore created alliances with other sectors of society, trade unions, retail shops, consumers, city dwellers, teachers, researchers etc., all of whom are striving towards a greener way of life.

In the further process forward we must build on these existing initiatives, embracing them all in forging a strong alliance towards a sustainable transition on the global scale. In doing this, we however also need to address the existing political and economical institutions of power. Incessantly we must push for fundamental reforms of the system – reforms that not only address the climate and broader environmental issue as separate issues, but on the contrary integrates environmental considerations in all political areas, such as agriculture, transport, industry, trade etc.

In this context we of course also need to address the specific UN negotiations on Climate Change, which is culminating in these days in Copenhagen. The lessons from previous rounds of negotiations are not very promising. Despite the high-profiled schemes for concerted action launched first in the 1992 Framework Convention on Climate Change of Rio de Janeiro and later in the 1998 Kyoto-protocol, results are meagre, to say the least. The problem has not fundamentally been solved, indeed it has worsened as the principles, targets and the timelines of both the Convention and the Protocol have made no headway. The reason for this rests on the fact, that the COP-process has not yet acknowledged the real roots of climate change: Globalisation and a profit-driven economy devoted to never ending growth at the expense of genuine development. This fact also holds for the negotiations at the present Climate Summit in Copenhagen, why the probable outcome seems very inadequate.

Nevertheless we must make our voices heard and put forward our demands also in this context. These can be stated clearly and plainly:

1. We demand a clear strategy for dismantling the fossil fuel era within the next 30 years.

2. We demand this strategy to be accompanied by an equally clear strategy for compensating the poor – especially in the south – for the climate and broader environmental debt created by the rich – especially in the north.

3. We express strong opposition against market-oriented and technology-centred false solutions put forward by many corporations, northern governments, and international financial institutions., especially the undue influence of corporate interests in the crafting domestic regulations related to energy. So-called technological ‘fixes’ such as nuclear energy, biofuels, carboncapture and storage, biochar, genetically “climate-readied” crops, geo-engineering, etc. only produce new types of environmental threats, without really solving the climate problem. The premise of emission trading is the granting of tradable property rights over the atmosphere, which is a common planetary resource essential for the survival of all beings. So far the system has not proven its merits, and by allowing rich countries to offset their reduction obligations, it has maintained the unjust and unsustainable system of the past.

4. We propose instead a political commitment to reintegrate our economies into the realm of our natural ecosystems, which are always local by nature. It is only within such a framework that it is possible to re-power our local communities, re-vitalize democratic participation and re-install a truly sustainable relation between man and nature.

5. Any solution, seeking to restore the balance between human society and nature as well as just relations among people, requires a profound reorganization of our societies towards meeting basic social goals with an awareness of planetary limits.

6. For this reason unjust, unsustainable and unaccountable global economic and financial institutions like the WTO, the World Bank, transnational corporations etc. should be disempowered in favour of local and national sovereignty over resources and productive assets.

7. We finally offer our full and active support and involvement in promoting a sustainable transition of our societies a long the lines put forward in this Declaration.

The declaration, final version

6. A global movement for sustainable transition

Irrespective of the outcome of the Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change there is an urgent need
to build a global movement of movements dedicated to the long term task of promoting a
sustainable transition of our societies. Contrary to the prevailing power structures, this movement
must grow from the bottom and up. What is needed is a broad alliance of environmental
movements, social movements, trade unions, farmers, and other aligned parties that can work
together in everyday political struggle on the local as well as national and international level. Such an
alliance entails at the same time the creation of a new mindset and new types of social activisms, and
must be capable not only of reacting to unsustainable practices, but also showing by example how a
new sustainable economy can indeed function.We, participating peoples, communities and social organizations at Klimaforum09 are all committed
to build on the results achieved at this event in the further development of a global movement of
movements.

This Declaration aims to inspire the further development of such a movement by pointing to the
general direction in which we choose to move. Together, we can make global transitions to
sustainable future. Join us.

1st draft

7. A global movement for sustainable transition

Irrespective of the outcome of the Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change there is a strong need to build a global movement of movements dedicated to the long term task of promoting a sustainable transition of our societies. Contrary to the prevailing power structures this movement must grow from the bottom and up – which means that it must be founded locally and be of importance to the daily life of people. Such a movement entails at the same time the creation of a new mindset and of a new type of social activism. This movement must be capable not only of reacting to unsustainable practices, but also by example show how a new locally based and sustainable economy can indeed function.

A movement of this sort cannot be based on environmental NGO’s of the classical type. What is needed is instead a broad alliance of environmental movements, social movements, trade unions, farmers, teachers etc. that can work together in the everyday political struggle on the local as well as the national and international level.

At Klimaforum09 many contacts of this kind have already been formed and we are all committed to build on the results achieved at this event in the further development of a global movement of movements that includes all spheres of society on all levels. It is our hope that this Declaration will inspire the further development of such a movement by spelling out the direction in which to move.

Finally at midnight your observer Tord Björk was allowed to touch the holy declaration tablet drafting a piece on urban planning

Oh good, drafting is not an easy task. Especially when trying to include what a french climate justice activist thinks about urban planning in 200 words into a short sentence. To not talk about including something on the spirit of being a human with fundamentalist secularists from France around.

 

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